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The handover event took place on December 3, 2025, in a ceremony organised in partnership with the Eastern Province, Nyagatare District, and the Rwanda Housing Authority.

The beneficiaries are 125 families resettled in the model village located in Karangazi Sector, Ndama Cell, Rwabiharamba Village.

Founded in 2020 and operational since 2023, BioMassters aims to address climate change by promoting clean and affordable cooking solutions.

The company operates a production facility in Rubavu and several outlets in Kigali. Over the past two years, it has supplied two stove models: the clay-based Iryacu and the metal Inzuchief. Both are known for their durability, cleanliness, and ability to reduce fuel costs by up to 50% compared to charcoal. Importantly, the stoves cook without producing smoke, improving household health.

Bosco Nsanzabandi, one of the recipients, welcomed the initiative, noting that the new stove will help resolve the persistent problem of indoor smoke.

'We thank our government for caring about citizens like us. In this area, we faced severe smoke-related challenges. These stoves will help us protect the environment and also reduce what we spend on charcoal and firewood,' he said.

Another beneficiary, Grace Umwari, said the stove would not only eliminate smoke but also ease the burden of sourcing firewood, which had become increasingly difficult.

Nyagatare Vice Mayor in charge of Economic Development and Finance, Gonzague Matsiko, urged residents to maintain the stoves properly, emphasising their impact on reducing smoke emissions, fuel expenses, and cooking time.

'Our citizens are no longer mere beneficiaries but partners, because we work together to protect the environment. One of the ways to do this is by reducing the pressure we put on trees,' he said.

He added that the stoves do not rely on wood or charcoal, and encouraged residents to purchase the affordable fuel that will be brought closer to them to ease their cooking activities.

BioMassters’ Director of Business Development and Sales, Sylvain Rucyaha, said the company’s mission is to make cooking safer and more affordable while safeguarding the environment.

'At BioMassters, we strive to ensure people cook in safe, smoke-free conditions and at a reasonable cost. That is why we implement projects like this: to respond to the challenges faced by families struggling to access clean cooking fuel,' he said.

To date, BioMassters has distributed nearly 8,000 stoves and reached more than 70,000 users nationwide. The Iryacu model distributed in Nyagatare retails at Rwf 40,000, while the Inzuchief costs Rwf 50,000.

BioMassters’ Chief Operations Officer, Yasmine Karam, said the company is steadily achieving its long-term goal of expanding access to clean cooking solutions in Rwanda.

'The aim was to find a clean and efficient cooking solution and introduce it to Rwanda. This technology creates jobs while helping us meet the needs of Rwandans, and we are seeing continuous progress,' she said.

BioMassters stoves use pellets made from wood and agricultural residues, which are environmentally friendly and affordable. A kilogram costs Rwf 350 in Kigali shops and Rwf 380 at partner outlets across the country.

The company is also working closely with the Ministry of Education. Six schools have already adopted the clean cooking system, and the number is expected to rise to 10 by the end of the year.

Nyagatare Vice Mayor in charge of Economic Development and Finance, Gonzague Matsiko, urged residents to maintain the stoves properly, emphasising their impact on reducing smoke emissions, fuel expenses, and cooking time.

BioMassters’ Director of Business Development and Sales, Sylvain Rucyaha, said the company’s mission is to make cooking safer and more affordable while safeguarding the environment.

A total of 125 'Iryacu’ stoves were distributed.

The Iryacu stove is smokeless and meets all quality standards.

The event was attended by leaders from various institutions, including representatives from BioMassters and Nyagatare District.

BioMassters provided Nyagatare residents with 125 stoves and cooking energy supplies valued at 10 million Rwandan francs.

The stoves use pellets, a type of cooking fuel that is 50% cheaper than charcoal.

Residents received stoves along with 20 kilograms of pellets for use with BioMassters stoves.

The stoves were distributed to households in Vision Village, Rwabiharamba.

IGIHE

The week-long celebration went beyond formalities, serving as a genuine expression of gratitude to the people who make the hotels special. From loyal guests to trusted partners, every moment was dedicated to saying 'thank you' in meaningful and memorable ways.

This year’s festivities began with lively lobby hosting sessions, where warm greetings and personal interactions transformed every arrival into a welcoming experience. The hotels’ lobbies buzzed with energy, reflecting the core belief that hospitality is about people and personal connections.

The spirit of appreciation extended beyond the hotels’ walls as the sales team visited clients and partners in person. These visits fostered open conversations, strengthened relationships, and underscored the importance of genuine human connections in business.

In line with Marriott International’s proud value of 'Spirit to Serve,' the team also reached out to the community by spending a joyful day at the Sherrie Silver Foundation. They shared laughter, donated food and school supplies, and were touched by heartfelt performances from the children; moments that reminded everyone why giving back is at the heart of the hotel’s mission.

The celebration culminated in a grand Customer Appreciation Event, featuring a variety of dining experiences, lively entertainment, and exciting prize giveaways. Guests left with lasting memories, feeling truly recognized and celebrated.

'Global Customer Appreciation Week gives us the chance to pause and sincerely thank the incredible people who choose Kigali Marriott: our guests, partners, and community,' said Aditya Chacko, Multi-Property General Manager.

'Hospitality is more than just service; it’s about building real connections and making a positive difference beyond our doors. At our hotels, we are dedicated to delivering warm, personalized hospitality where every guest feels valued and connected through thoughtful service and meaningful community engagement.'

The week-long celebration went beyond formalities, serving as a genuine expression of gratitude to the people who make the hotels special.

The celebration culminated in a grand Customer Appreciation Event.

Dancers from the Sherrie Silver Foundation performed during the event.

From loyal guests to trusted partners, every moment was dedicated to saying 'thank you' in meaningful and memorable ways.

The week-long celebration went beyond formalities, serving as a genuine expression of gratitude to the people who make the hotels special.

IGIHE

The colourful ceremony, held at Kigali Marriott Hotel, brought together government officials, diplomats, business leaders, and distinguished guests to commemorate the UAE’s formation under the theme 'United.'

The celebration marks a significant milestone for the UAE, reflecting on the vision of its founding fathers, particularly Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan, who united the seven Emirates under one flag on December 2, 1971. The historic day not only heralded the birth of the United Arab Emirates but also laid the foundation for its commitment to international cooperation and responsible governance, with the first Council of Ministers formed just a week later and the UAE joining the United Nations.

In his keynote speech, Mohammed AlKaabi, Chargé d’Affaires of the UAE Embassy in Kigali, highlighted the nation’s remarkable progress over the past five decades.

'From infrastructure, aviation, and renewable energy to space exploration and artificial intelligence, the UAE has chosen to shape the future rather than wait for it,' he noted.

He also emphasised the UAE’s global initiatives, including Expo 2020 Dubai and COP28, underscoring the country’s commitment to sustainable development, innovation, and climate action.

The 2025 Union Day celebrations also coincide with the UAE’s designation of the year as the 'Year of the Community,' a reflection of the nation’s focus on social cohesion and inclusivity. With over 200 nationalities residing in the UAE, the initiative highlights the importance of diversity, mutual respect, and shared development.

Rwanda’s presence at the event was led by the Guest of Honour, Virgile Rwanyagatare, Director General for Asia, Middle East & Pacific Affairs at Rwanda’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs & International Cooperation.

In his address, Rwanyagatare extended Rwanda’s heartfelt congratulations to the UAE on its 54th Union Day. He emphasised the strong bilateral ties that have grown steadily over the years, particularly in trade, investment, aviation, hospitality, education, and infrastructure.

'Over the past thirty years, Rwanda has undergone rapid transformation across multiple sectors with the support and investment of partners like the UAE,' Rwanyagatare said.

He highlighted that the UAE has emerged as Rwanda’s top export market, with bilateral trade surpassing USD 1.5 billion in the last year, reflecting the complementary strengths of both economies and the confidence businesses place in each other.

Economic cooperation has been bolstered by projects such as DP World’s Kigali Logistics Platform and the new Rubavu Logistics Hub, which strengthen Rwanda’s role as a regional trade and logistics hub connecting the country to regional seaports and global supply chains. The Abu Dhabi Fund for Development (ADFD) has also supported Rwanda through initiatives like the expansion of the Karenge Water Treatment Plant, enhancing water security and service delivery for communities and businesses.

Beyond economics, the UAE and Rwanda have deepened collaboration in capacity building and governance through the Government Experience Exchange Program, as well as in security and defence, contributing to regional stability. Both countries continue to share values centred on human capital development, innovation, sustainable development, and climate action.

The evening’s program featured a blend of cultural and diplomatic engagements, including UAE and Rwandan national anthems, a traditional UAE folk dance 'Al Harbiah’, Rwandan traditional dance performances by students from the Islamic Secondary School for Sciences, a self-service buffet featuring UAE dishes, and the ceremonial cutting of the Union Day cake. Guests were also presented with symbolic gifts, marking the significance of the occasion.

Since the opening of the UAE Embassy in Kigali in March 2018, this marks the eighth time Union Day has been celebrated in Rwanda. The event provided an opportunity to reflect on the UAE’s achievements over more than five decades while reaffirming the shared commitment of both nations to further strengthen their partnership for peace, prosperity, and mutual growth.

As the celebrations concluded, both AlKaabi and Rwanyagatare toasted to the continued friendship between Rwanda and the UAE, reaffirming that the ties between the two nations are poised to grow even stronger in the years to come.

The colourful ceremony brought together government officials, diplomats, business leaders, and distinguished guests to commemorate the UAE’s formation under the theme 'United.'

The event was held at Kigali Marriott Hotel.

In his keynote speech, Mohammed AlKaabi, Chargé d’Affaires of the UAE Embassy in Kigali, highlighted the nation’s remarkable progress over the past five decades.

Rwanda’s presence at the event was led by the Guest of Honour, Virgile Rwanyagatare, Director General for Asia, Middle East & Pacific Affairs at Rwanda’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs & International Cooperation.

Mohammed AlKaabi, UAE Chargé d’Affaires in Kigali, highlighted the UAE’s global initiatives, including Expo 2020 Dubai and COP28, emphasizing its commitment to sustainability and innovation.

Mohammed AlKaabi, UAE Chargé d’Affaires in Kigali, poses with Virgile Rwanyagatare and other guests at the ceremony.

Students of the Islamic Secondary School for Sciences entertained guests with lively performances.

Guests were also presented with symbolic gifts, marking the significance of the occasion.

This marks the eighth time Union Day has been celebrated in Rwanda.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

Speaking during an interview on Newsmax’s 'American Agenda' ahead of Thursday’s signing ceremony, Rwanda government spokesperson Yolande Makolo described the deal as 'the best chance for peace, stability, and prosperity that our two countries and the region have.'

She highlighted that the initiative began when the DRC requested U.S. mediation and praised the role of the Trump administration in addressing the root causes of the conflict.

'The Trump administration is focusing on the real obstacles to peace, particularly the security threat posed by militias in Eastern Congo,' Makolo said. 'They are also looking at the economic opportunities for both Rwanda and the DRC, including investment from American companies, which is important for regional development.'

The conflict, Makolo told the American cable network, traces back to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, after which perpetrators fled into the DRC and now lead militias, including at least 12 commanders of the FDLR, who continue to pose a security threat to Rwanda.

The spokesperson noted that the security threats have forced Rwanda to defend its borders against incursions by the genocidal militia group for the past 31 years.

Makolo explained that the Washington Accord, which President Paul Kagame and DRC President Félix Tshisekedi are set to sign at the White House, builds on a preliminary agreement reached in June. The accord provides for the neutralisation of the FDLR, the cessation of border hostilities, and measures to facilitate regional security.

'Some progress has been made since June, but there is still work to be done,' Makolo said. 'Ceasefire violations continue, and the DRC government must fulfil its commitments to deal with the genocidal groups before Rwanda can relax its defensive measures.'

In addition to the peace agreement, the two leaders are expected to ratify a Regional Economic Integration Framework that will strengthen cross-border trade and cooperation.

'This is an important step, and we hope to continue U.S. engagement to ensure the process reaches its conclusion,' Makolo said, underscoring Rwanda’s commitment to a lasting resolution.

Speaking during an interview on Newsmax’s 'American Agenda' ahead of Thursday’s signing ceremony, Rwanda government spokesperson Yolande Makolo described the deal as 'the best chance for peace, stability, and prosperity that our two countries and the region have.'

Wycliffe Nyamasege

The ceremony is expected to generate headlines, diplomatic optimism, and the familiar rhetoric of 'a new era for the region.' Yet none of these atmospherics change the fundamental reality: the durability of this agreement will depend almost entirely on the political will of the DR Congo government.

This is not a rhetorical flourish. It is an empirical observation grounded in decades of conflict patterns in eastern DRC. The structural conditions that fuel recurring instability, citizenship exclusion, hate-driven political narratives, institutional fragility, the presence of genocidal armed groups, and entrenched governance failures are overwhelmingly internal to the DRC. No external mediator, however influential, can correct these without Congolese leadership embracing difficult reforms.

There is a leadership crisis characterised by the problem of promises without policy.

President Félix Tshisekedi arrives in Washington with a long record of unfulfilled commitments to domestic and regional security arrangements. His administration has repeatedly signed agreements it lacked either the capacity or will to implement. Whether the 2019 Nairobi initiatives, the Luanda Roadmap, or commitments to demobilisation and disarmament frameworks, the pattern has been the same: rhetorical enthusiasm, shallow follow-through, and eventual reversal.

This inconsistency is not incidental; it reflects a deeper challenge within Congolese political culture, in which symbolic gestures substitute for structural reform. It is telling that, before departing for Washington, Tshisekedi sought the counsel of Kinshasa’s senior witch doctors, an episode that, while anecdotal, illustrates a leadership more preoccupied with political optics and metaphysical 'protection' than with the governance responsibilities that produce stability. For regional peace, the risk is clear: a leader who cannot keep domestic promises is unlikely to sustain international ones.

For any peace agreement to endure, it must address the historical drivers of conflict, the most central of which is the persistent discrimination, delegitimisation, and periodic deadly violence against Congolese Kinyarwanda-speaking communities, particularly Congolese Tutsi.

This issue predates Tshisekedi, yet his administration has deepened it through incendiary political rhetoric, permissive silence toward hate speech, and reliance on political actors who scapegoat these communities as a convenient explanation for governance failures. The result has been institutionalised exclusion and a social environment in which certain Congolese citizens are continually portrayed as outsiders, irrespective of constitutional guarantees.

A peace agreement cannot bypass this. Rwanda and external brokers cannot legislate citizenship for Congolese Tutsi. Only Kinshasa can do that. Without a framework that secures equal rights, dismantles discriminatory narratives, and protects minorities from political manipulation, any agreement signed in Washington will become a ceasefire at best and a fragile one at that.

There is a problem of FDLR and the state’s security contradictions. The continued presence of the Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda (FDLR) remains the most destabilising security paradox in eastern Congo. While officially designated an existential threat to Rwanda and the region, the FDLR has repeatedly been tolerated, incorporated, or politically instrumentalised by factions within the Congolese security apparatus. This duality of public denunciation alongside practical accommodation undermines any attempt at credible reform.

Unless Kinshasa adopts a clear, consistent, and enforceable policy toward the FDLR, dismantling its structures and ending its influence, no peace agreement with Rwanda can be operationalised. External witnesses cannot resolve a problem that the Congolese state itself treats ambiguously.

Nobody can ignore governance deficits in the DRC, which remain the silent obstacle to the implementation of any peace deal.

Beyond identity politics and government-sponsored armed groups lies a broader governance deficit: corruption, weak institutions, predatory local networks, and an often undisciplined military chain of command. These are not peripheral issues; they are core obstacles to peacebuilding. Agreements break not because signatories change their minds, but because state structures are too weak to implement obligations.

This is why the December 4 agreement risks becoming another symbolic document: excellent on paper, compromised in practice. Washington can provide momentum; Kigali can provide clarity; regional witnesses can provide oversight. But only Kinshasa can provide implementation.

For the Washington agreement to have a lifespan longer than its signing ceremony, several policy imperatives are unavoidable:

One, affirmation and enforcement of equal citizenship rights for all Congolese, including Kinyarwanda-speaking communities, with protection against discrimination and politically motivated violence.

Two, a comprehensive, time-bound strategy to dismantle the FDLR and affiliated structures, supported by regional cooperation and clear accountability mechanisms.

Three, a national framework to prosecute hate speech and ethnic incitement to hatred, including public officials who perpetuate dangerous narratives.

Four, strengthening institutional capacity in military command structures, border control, justice systems, and provincial governance. And lastly:

Ending the political incentive to externalise internal governance failures, replacing populist scapegoating with credible policy reform.

If these steps are not undertaken, the Washington agreement will become another entry in a long catalogue of well-intentioned but short-lived regional accords.

In conclusion, this peace deal requires more than signatures; it requires DRC’s state responsibility.

The December 4 signing ceremony will generate diplomatic optimism, but optimism cannot substitute for political will. The DRC holds the master key to peace because the root causes of the conflict lie in its own governance challenges, identity politics, and security contradictions. Rwanda cannot resolve these on the DRC’s behalf, nor can international brokers.

The question, therefore, is not whether Washington can produce an agreement. It can. The real question is whether Kinshasa can sustain one. Without profound internal reforms, rights protections, accountability, institutional strengthening, and a decisive break with the politics of exclusion, the agreement will be celebrated at noon and compromised by sunset.

For lasting peace in the Great Lakes, the signatures matter far less than the state that must honour them.

The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and the Republic of Rwanda signed a peace agreement on Friday, June 27, in Washington, D.C. Rwanda and the DRC were represented by their respective Foreign Ministers, Amb. Olivier Nduhungirehe and Thérèse Kayikwamba Wagner at a signing ceremony witnessed by U.S. Secretary of State, Marco Rubio.

Tom Ndahiro

The sites, covering a combined 14,020 hectares across the country, are categorised into medium- and large-scale mining zones, with four designated for extraction of the 3Ts (tin, tungsten, tantalum), four set aside for exploration, and two dedicated to gemstone mining.

RMB, which is hosting the mining week, noted that the minerals remain in high global demand due to their use in construction, aviation, military equipment, electronics, batteries, and jewellery.

Among the identified extraction zones is Binyeri in Rukoma Sector, Kamonyi District (70 ha), which contains cassiterite, lithium, and beryllium and is earmarked for medium-scale mining. In Bugesera District, the Musenyi site spans 1,000 hectares and is designated for large-scale mining of cassiterite, coltan, lithium, and beryllium.

Gatsibo District’s Rubiha site (450 ha) contains high-grade cassiterite with purity levels between 90.5% and 99.08%, while the Minazi zone in Gakenke District (700 ha) features cassiterite, coltan, and gemstones.

RMB also listed several exploration zones, including Shyorongi in Rulindo District (3,175 ha), where cassiterite, wolfram, coltan, and gold deposits were identified. Other exploration sites include Kabagari—Kinihira in Ruhango District (1,500 ha) and Bihembe in Rwamagana District (1,600 ha).

In Rubavu District, the Kivumu—Nyamyumba zone (875 ha) contains cassiterite, coltan, wolfram, and beryllium. For gemstones, the Bushekeri—Rangiro area in Nyamasheke District (1,400 ha) hosts sapphire, amethyst, smoky quartz, and ruby, while Kanama in Rubavu District contains tourmaline, sapphire, beryl, and almandine.

RMB CEO Alice Uwase encouraged investors to apply for licences, emphasising financial capacity, technical expertise, and appropriate equipment as key requirements. Applications are open from December 3, 2025, to March 3, 2026, with RMB planning guided site visits in January 2026.

'We expect strong interest. In the last licensing cycle, we received 73 applications for 10 sites, and we anticipate that number will double this year,' Uwase said, urging investors to consider partnerships or joint ventures to meet regulatory thresholds.

This is the second major discovery announcement in 2025. In May, RMB unveiled 10 mineral-rich sites covering 13,454 hectares.

Rwanda’s mining sector, which employs over 92,000 people, generated $1.75 billion in 2024. The country aims to reach $2.2 billion in mineral export revenues by 2029 and increase mineral traceability and collection rates from 40% to 80%.

The Rwanda Mines, Petroleum, and Gas Board (RMB) has confirmed the discovery of 10 new areas containing a variety of minerals, including cassiterite, coltan, wolfram, lithium, beryllium, gemstones, and gold.

IGIHE

The four-year programme combines rigorous theoretical training with hands-on experience in state-of-the-art laboratories, including a dedicated Nuclear Science Lab. Students will specialise in areas such as nuclear techniques, health physics, radiation protection, and environmental monitoring, while participating in industrial attachments and research projects that bridge classroom learning with real-world applications.

The inaugural cohort of 52 students, enrolled for the 2025—2026 academic year, was selected based on strong backgrounds in mathematics and physics.

'This programme is a milestone for Rwanda and Africa,' said Associate Professor Kayihura Muganga Didas, Acting Vice Chancellor of the University of Rwanda. 'It will prepare a skilled workforce capable of supporting nuclear reactor operations, medical physics, radiation safety, and other critical applications essential for sustainable development.'

The initiative aligns with Rwanda’s national development plans under the second National Strategy for Transformation (NST2) and Vision 2050, and complements broader ambitions in nuclear energy and technology. Beyond energy generation, nuclear science applications extend to healthcare, agriculture, water resource management, industry, environmental protection, and national security.

Dr. Fidèle Ndahayo, CEO of the Rwanda Atomic Energy Board, described the launch as a strategic step in building homegrown expertise. 'This programme equips our young people with the skills and technical competencies to integrate nuclear solutions in energy, health, agricultural, industrial, and environmental sectors,' he said.

The academic programme also supports Rwanda’s plan to establish a nuclear research centre in collaboration with Russia. The centre will focus on producing radioactive materials for cancer diagnosis and treatment, improving agriculture through radiation technologies, and advancing industrial testing methods. Additionally, Rwanda is preparing to host Africa’s first demonstration of a Dual Fluid nuclear reactor and is exploring small modular reactor (SMR) technology to meet the country’s growing energy demands sustainably.

With national energy capacity currently estimated at 650—700 MW, Rwanda needs to boost output to as much as 4.5 GW by 2050 to fuel economic growth.

By producing professionals capable of contributing across energy, healthcare, agriculture, pharmaceuticals, and mining sectors, the new BSc in Nuclear Science and Technology positions Rwanda as a continental leader in nuclear innovation, supporting a vision where Africa is a generator, not just a consumer, of advanced nuclear technologies.

The new Nuclear Science programme was launched on Wednesday, December 3, 2025.

Dr. Fidèle Ndahayo, CEO of the Rwanda Atomic Energy Board, described the launch as a strategic step in building homegrown expertise.

Ignace Gatare, Principal of the College of Science and Technology (CST) at the University of Rwanda, speaks during the launch.

IGIHE

The regional tournament, scheduled for December 6—9, 2025, will bring together ten countries from the East and Central African region as they vie for places in next year’s continental finals for school-based teams.

Rwanda is among the nations fielding both boys’ and girls’ squads. The teams left Kigali early on Thursday, December 4, 2025, ahead of the CAF African Schools Championship CECAFA Zonal Qualifiers.

Before departure, Louise Ndengeyingoma, Chairperson of the Governance and Legal Commission at FERWAFA, encouraged the young players to aim high and uphold discipline.

'You carry the national flag on your chest,' she said. 'Approach your matches with focus, display discipline, and remember to balance your education with your talent. This journey is not just about winning a single game; it is about raising Rwanda’s profile.'

The boys’ tournament will feature Burundi, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, South Sudan, Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda, and Somalia.

The girls’ competition will include Uganda, Burundi, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania, and South Sudan.

The qualifiers will also feature young referees participating under CAF’s talent development programme and will include D-level coaching clinics.

The teams left Kigali early on Thursday, December 4, 2025, ahead of the CAF African Schools Championship CECAFA Zonal Qualifiers.

The boys will compete against 10 countries.

The girls’ competition will include Uganda, Burundi, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania, and South Sudan.

IGIHE

The ceremony, held at the newly inaugurated United States Institute of Peace, was attended by US President Donald Trump, African leaders, and key international dignitaries.

In his opening remarks, President Trump described the event as 'a great day for Africa, a great day for the world, and a great day for these two countries.' He praised the leaders of Rwanda and the DRC for their courage and persistence in bringing the long-running conflict in eastern Congo to a potential close after three decades.

'This compact we are signing today, known as the Washington Accords, formalises the terms agreed to in June, including a permanent ceasefire, disarmament of non-state forces, provisions for refugees to return home, and justice for those who have committed atrocities,' Trump said.

The US Head of State also emphasised the accord’s economic dimension, highlighting the potential for regional economic integration and US investment in the two countries’ mineral wealth.

President Paul Kagame, who spoke after Trump, expressed deep gratitude to all parties involved, singling out President Trump, Secretary of State Marco Rubio, and Senior Advisor Massad Boulos for their pivotal roles in creating a space for breakthrough negotiations.

Kagame emphasised that the responsibility for the success of the accord ultimately rests with African nations themselves.

'If this agreement falters and things do not work out as they are supposed to, the responsibility will not lie with President Trump, but with ourselves,' he said. He reassured that Rwanda will play its part decisively:

'It is up to us in Africa, working with our partners, to consolidate and expand this peace. There will be ups and downs on the road ahead. There is no doubt about it. Rwanda, I know, will not be found wanting. I can assure you of that.'

He framed the accord as a clear path toward a prosperous and stable future for Rwanda, emphasising the country’s commitment to security and development after enduring years of tragedy.

DRC President Félix Tshisekedi also hailed the accord as a turning point, describing it as more than just a document, but 'a framework for regional economic integration and cooperation that finally overcomes the cycle of violence, mistrust, and forced displacement.'

He reaffirmed the DRC’s commitment to fully implementing its obligations under the agreement and called for mutual respect and collaboration between the two nations.

The Washington Accord represents not only a formal ceasefire but also a framework for justice, economic cooperation, and regional integration. It aims to dismantle the FDLR militia, composed of remnants of those responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi who fled to the DRC and have continued to promote genocidal ideology, posing a threat to Rwanda’s security along the border.

The agreement also aims to facilitate refugee returns and create new opportunities for prosperity in both countries.

The signing ceremony was attended by African leaders, including Évariste Ndayishimiye of Burundi, William Ruto of Kenya, João Lourenço of Angola, and Jean-Lucien Savi de Tové of Togo, as well as representatives from Uganda, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, and the African Union.

Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) on Thursday took a historic step toward ending decades of conflict with the signing of the Washington Accord, a US-brokered peace agreement aimed at fostering security, stability, and regional cooperation.

In his opening remarks, President Trump described the event as 'a great day for Africa, a great day for the world, and a great day for these two countries.'

President Paul Kagame expressed deep gratitude to all parties involved, singling out President Trump, Secretary of State Marco Rubio, and Senior Advisor Massad Boulos for their pivotal roles in creating a space for breakthrough negotiations.

Kagame emphasised that the responsibility for the success of the accord ultimately rests with African nations themselves.

President William Ruto of Kenya was among the African Heads of State who attended the signing ceremony.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

Yet, as hopeful as the moment appears, it would be a mistake to assume that bilateral signatures alone can deliver a durable peace in eastern DRC. The roots of the crisis lie far deeper than cross-border tensions. They are Congolese at their core, and only a genuinely inclusive Inter-Congolese Dialogue can address them.

To begin with, the primary responsibility for stabilising the DRC rests squarely on Congolese institutions and citizens. External actors may facilitate, mediate, or provide leverage, but sustainable peace cannot be outsourced. Every major attempt to impose solutions from outside, whether through regional summits, coercive diplomacy, or hurried ceasefire signings, has eventually been overtaken by realities on the ground. The United States and Qatar, both now heavily involved, must recognise that their success hinges on empowering Congolese-led mechanisms rather than substituting for them.

This is precisely where the African Union (AU) should step forward. Among external actors, the AU is best positioned to understand the historical, political, and social complexities shaping conflict dynamics in eastern Congo. If Washington and Doha are truly committed to a durable settlement, they must not only allow the AU to take the driver’s seat but also meaningfully support it, diplomatically and financially, throughout the process.

A peace framework designed without deep contextual understanding is doomed to collapse.
Recent developments underscore this urgency. Despite a ceasefire-monitoring framework brokered in Doha in October 2025, fighting resumed within weeks. As with previous agreements, each side accused the other of violations.

Meanwhile, the humanitarian toll continues to mount: an estimated 7.8 million Congolese are internally displaced, mostly across the eastern provinces. Public services have collapsed. Hunger levels rank among the highest in the world. Even as diplomatic teams meet in luxury hotels, millions face crisis-level deprivation.

Worse still, the conflict is no longer a confrontation between Kinshasa and a single rebel group. While M23 has dominated headlines, the battlefield is crowded with dozens of armed actors, from local militias to extremist factions linked to the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF).

Such fragmentation makes violence unpredictable and ceasefires difficult to enforce. Unless each relevant actor feels that its core grievances are acknowledged within a political framework, it will simply return to armed struggle.

This is why a new Inter-Congolese Dialogue, comprehensive, inclusive, and backed by strong guarantees, is indispensable.

There is a precedent: the Sun City Inter-Congolese Dialogue of the early 2000s. It was far from perfect, but it remains the most ambitious attempt to bring all Congolese stakeholders, government, armed groups, political opposition, civil society, and regional representatives to one negotiating table. Its successes matter. It significantly reduced nationwide fighting and laid groundwork for political transition. It provided a platform where diverse Congolese actors could articulate demands, negotiate compromises, and sketch a collective future.

But Sun City also failed in critical ways. It was only partially inclusive. Key groups, most notably RCD-Goma and several political factions, refused to sign. That absence of full buy-in fatally weakened the deal and undermined its durability. The result is the conflict landscape we see today: fragmented, unresolved, and easily reignited.

A new dialogue must not repeat those mistakes. Every meaningful armed actor, political force, and civil society constituency must be represented in the process, not for symbolic inclusion, but to ensure ownership of the outcome. The AU’s stewardship, supported robustly by the US and Qatar, could guarantee neutrality while giving the process continental legitimacy. External mediators must resist the temptation to prioritise speed over substance.

A rushed agreement will be as fragile as the ceasefires that continue to collapse.
Ultimately, peace will not come from Kigali-Kinshasa agreements alone, nor from ceasefire monitoring frameworks negotiated in distant capitals. These are necessary but insufficient. Peace will come when Congolese actors, armed and unarmed, state and opposition, national and local, feel that the political framework reflects their realities and addresses their grievances.

The DRC has spent decades trapped in cycles of violence and superficial settlements. Breaking this cycle requires embracing a simple truth: without an inclusive Inter-Congolese Dialogue, every ceasefire will fail, and every peace accord will be short-lived.
If the international community truly wants to help, it must help Congo talk to itself. Only then can eastern DRC finally chart a road to peace.

The author is a University Don teaching Diplomacy and International Relations at the University of Rwanda.

Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) on Thursday took a historic step toward ending decades of conflict with the signing of the Washington Accord, a US-brokered peace agreement aimed at fostering security, stability, and regional cooperation.

Dr. Charles Kiiza