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  • How a Ukrainian family found peace and purpose on a Rwandan farm (Video) #rwanda #RwOT

    'Every single day,' he says, 'I have to do this. It’s no joke. I spend most of the time just imagining how great this project will be.'

    Half Yemeni, half Ukrainian, Richi never imagined his life would take root in Rwanda. Before the war in Ukraine, triggered on February 24, 2022, when Russia launched a full-scale invasion, he was a successful real estate entrepreneur in Kyiv, owner of a café, a beauty salon, and a father to twins born just months before the fighting erupted.

    Since then, fighting and airstrikes have caused more than 40,000 civilian casualties, while 3.7 million people have been internally displaced, and a further 6.9 million have fled Ukraine, creating one of the world’s largest humanitarian crises.

    On the day the war began, he was in Poland. His family soon joined him. They drove west to Spain, spent nearly two years there, tried Germany, where his wife has family roots, and visited Portugal. But Europe, for all its comfort, felt temporary.

    'I wasn’t sure where my life was leading,' he recalls. 'I never thought I’d find happiness again. I never thought that this would be in Rwanda.'

    Then a friend who lived in Kigali suggested, 'Just come. Visit without your family. See if it’s for you.' Richi bought a ticket and arrived for a 10-day scouting trip. The moment he stepped out of Kigali International Airport, he knew.

    'The streets were so clean. Everything was so simple, so beautiful, so organized,' he says.
    'Then I learned about more rapid development, huge opportunities in the service sector, and everyone said it was safe. I’m not here to find a job. I’m here to start a business. It was clean, safe, simple, far from Europe’s problems. It felt like destiny.'

    Richi soon discovered that Rwanda is not only welcoming to foreigners but is also engineered for their success. 'Not only the government, but the people, business partners, other owners, everyone wants to do better business,' he says. 'In Europe and Ukraine, you’re more on your own. Here, everybody is open.'

    That openness led him to William Shaka, a local landowner who had nurtured a farm in Bugesera for 15 years with a quiet dream to one day transform it into something more than agriculture.

    Richi and his wife, passionate about eco-tourism, real estate, and marketing, saw the same vision. 'We met,' Richi says, 'and it was destiny again.'

    Their first test? A mango festival. Over 1,100 people showed up. 'It was crazy,' Richi laughs. 'We realised there is demand for farm visits in Rwanda. People in Kigali want something new. Bugesera is closer, the roads are better, and it’s fresh.'

    What began as a festival soon blossomed into Eagle View Farm: an agro-tourism project blending working agriculture with guest rooms, a lakeside restaurant, a wellness centre, and a vision of families waking up to pick oranges from trees outside their door.

    'Imagine this,' Richi says, standing by a fish pond with orange groves behind it. 'Your children wake up and say, 'Wow, oranges!’ You tell them, 'Go get some.’ They pick them. You wash them, cut them. Just like it was supposed to be.'

    Every morning, Richi and his family do yoga on the lake shore, watching fishermen cast nets at 7:30 a.m. in perfect unison. 'Only birds and fishermen,' he says. 'Pure peace.'
    The future kitchen, still under construction, overlooks the water. 'Can you imagine working here?' he asks, gesturing wide. 'Chefs getting fresh products from the farm, cooking with this view. It’s the dream.'

    One year ago, when the family moved in, there was only a house. Now, over 10 guest rooms are rising, along with the restaurant and wellness centre.

    'It’s all coming to reality,' Richi says. 'Very soon, everyone will know about this project.' But Eagle View is more than a business, it’s a prototype. 'I hope we motivate other investors to create farm-integrated, eco-tourism projects across Rwanda,' he says.

    'With fast internet and AI, you can be in the middle of nowhere and still solve problems instantly. Take a photo of a diseased leaf AI tells you what to do. No waiting for an expert from Kigali. This opens crazy possibilities.'

    Since Richi began posting about farm life online, the messages pour in from expats, investors, and especially Rwandans abroad. Many own unused land back home.
    Some write: 'You’re living the dream. We want to come home.' His response is direct: 'Come home. It’s time to invest in Rwanda. The longer you wait, the harder this will be. Such lifestyles will become rarer.'

    He speaks not of happiness, but of something more sustainable. 'Happiness comes in phases,' he says. 'We’re not designed to be happy all the time. But we can be calm. We can be peaceful.' Buddhist monks don’t seek happiness. They seek peace. If I had to describe my life now, I’d say: peaceful.'

    To anyone curious about Rwanda, agro-tourism or a life rooted in the land, Richi extends a warm invitation to come and see it firsthand.

    'Please visit us. If you’re into eco-tourism, nature, agriculture, wilderness, and self-development, you’ll see a project that shows where Rwanda is heading. We’re building something unique. Welcome to Eagle View Farm.'

    The Eagle View Farm in Bugesera.

    Shodzha Aldin Rashyd is the project manager of the 15-hectare Eagle View Farm in Bugesera.

    Every morning, Richi and his family do yoga on the lake shore, watching fishermen cast nets at 7:30 a.m.

    He delights in the gentle chorus of birdsong in the early hours of the morning.

    Richi was invited to Rwanda by a friend and has since made the country his home.

    Richi manages a thriving farm full of a variety of fruits, including oranges and mangoes.

    Mango fruits are plenty on the farm.

    The farm’s fruits are regularly sprayed to prevent diseases.

    A fish pond located on the farm.

    The family raises a variety of domestic birds, including ducks.

    Pigeons are found on the farm.

    The family has also embraced poultry.

    The family also rears rabbits.

    Sheep grazing peacefully on the farm.

    The family also rears pigs.

    Richi and his wife are passionate about eco-tourism.

    The farm is home to elegant Inyambo cows, renowned for their striking horns and graceful stature.

    Inyambo cows are known for their large horns and their rich place in Rwandan history.

    Richi attending to an Inyambo cow.

    One year ago, when the family moved in, there was only a house. Now, over 10 guest rooms are rising, along with the restaurant and wellness centre.

    The houses will accommodate guests visiting the farm.

    Lake Mirayi, located near the farm, is beautiful and attracts many visitors.

    Shodzha Aldin Rashyd says Rwanda gave him and his family the peace and tranquillity they needed.

    Shodzha Aldin Rashyd during an interview with IGIHE.

    Rania Umutoni

    Source : https://en.igihe.com/lifestyle/article/how-a-ukrainian-family-found-peace-and-purpose-on-a-rwandan-farm-video

  • Congolese army launches drone strikes on Banyamulenge #rwanda #RwOT

    The strikes reportedly aimed at killing members of the Banyamulenge community who have been living in a camp for internally displaced people in the area.

    Moïse Nyarugabo, a politician from the Banyamulenge ethnic group, explained that the attacks took place at 2:00 AM on November 15, 2025.

    “On November 15, 2025, at 2:00 a.m., Tshisekedi’s drones bombed the village of Mikenke, a village inhabited by civilians and home to a camp for displaced Banyamulenge people whose villages have been burned. The toll has not yet been established, but certainly, there are civilians who must have been affected,” he said.

    Nyarugabo confirmed that reliable information indicates that DRC forces, along with forces from Burundi, Wazalendo, and the FDLR, are present in areas such as Point-Zéro, Mikalati, Kigazura, Marunde, Kipupu, Rugezi, and Mukoko, with plans to launch further attacks in Minembwe and Mikenke, areas inhabited by the Banyamulenge.

    “Two generals, one from Congo and another from Burundi, are in that area preparing for these major attacks. Unless there is a last-minute change of plans, in the coming hours or days, those who survive the Sukhoi and drone attacks will face further bombardment from enemies of peace,” he noted.

    Since 2017, the Banyamulenge in South Kivu province have faced continuous attacks from a coalition of armed groups supported by the DRC government.

    The MRDP Twirwaneho group, which defends the rights of Banyamulenge, disclosed, on November 6, that more than 328,000 people have been displaced over the past eight years.

    Over 550 villages, nearly 140 schools, 41 health centers, and over 126 churches have been destroyed. Additionally, over 500,000 cattle have been looted.

    The Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC) have launched drone strikes in the Mikenke area, located in the Mwenga territory of South Kivu province.

    IGIHE

    Source : https://en.igihe.com/news/article/congolese-army-launches-drone-strikes-on-banyamulenge

  • Rwanda awarded for excellence in local leadership #rwanda #RwOT

    The forum was organized in partnership with the International Observatory for Participatory Democracy in Africa (IOPD Africa) and the Union of Local Elected Officials of Senegal.

    As confirmed by the Ministry of Local Government (MINALOC) via X on November 14, the award recognized Rwanda’s strong reforms in digitizing local service delivery and its continued commitment to citizen-centered governance.

    The award was received on behalf of the Ministry of Local Government, by Rwanda’s envoy to Senegal, Amb. Festus Bizimana.

    Over the past 31 years, Rwanda has implemented various programs aimed at empowering citizens. This has led to enhanced inclusive participation in governance, with over 80% of citizens now playing a role in solving problems. This figure has risen from 65.63% in 2018.

    Besides, decentralization of leadership in Rwanda began in 2000, strengthening local government structures and improving their performance and service delivery.

    This is reinforced by the district advisory councils that oversee the implementation of planned activities, thus making citizens’ participation more evident.

    The councils are also functional at the Sector, Cell, and Village levels. This has led to improvements in service delivery in sectors like healthcare and education, and it helps leaders easily identify what citizens need most.

    This governance model that Rwanda adopted after the 1994 Genocide Against the Tutsi and the Liberation War is an example of how the country rebuilt itself by empowering citizens, ensuring inclusivity, and promoting technology.

    It has allowed Rwandans to actively participate in and safeguard initiatives, as they should in a country that upholds democratic governance.

    The integration of technology into governance has also further enhanced governance by promoting transparency and accountability among leaders, while citizens have easy access to information and a platform to engage with their leaders.

    This approach that Rwanda has chosen has become a valuable lesson for other countries facing similar challenges to those Rwanda has overcome.

    Rwanda received the Award for Excellence in Local Leadership during the 6th edition of the International Forum on Participatory Democracy in Africa (FIDEPA) held in Dakar, Senegal.

    IGIHE

    Source : https://en.igihe.com/news/article/rwanda-awarded-for-excellence-in-local-leadership

  • Germany adds 150 mln euros to new Ukraine aid package #rwanda #RwOT

    Pistorius made the announcement at a joint press conference with several other European defense ministers. The new pledge follows Germany’s earlier contribution of 500 million U.S. dollars to the PURL mechanism in August.

    Reaffirming Berlin’s long-term support for Kyiv, Pistorius said Germany plans to provide more than 11.5 billion euros in aid for Ukraine in 2026. According to the German Federal Foreign Office, Germany has made available or earmarked roughly 40 billion euros in military assistance as of September 2025.

    On Thursday, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz held a phone call with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky. In addition to discussions on continued support for Ukraine, Merz emphasized Germany’s expectation that Ukraine advance its anti-corruption efforts and rule-of-law reforms.

    The two leaders also addressed concerns over the rising number of young Ukrainian men leaving the country for the European Union, according to a statement from the German government. (1 euro = 1.16 U.S. dollar)

    Xinhua

    Source : https://en.igihe.com/news/article/germany-adds-150-mln-euros-to-new-ukraine-aid-package

  • Sudan’s army chief says “no truce” with paramilitary forces #rwanda #RwOT

    Al-Burhan, who is also chairman of Sudan’s Transitional Sovereign Council, made the remarks while addressing a public gathering in the Al-Sreiha area of Gezira State in central Sudan, according to the sovereign council’s media office.

    He emphasized that the conflict will not be resolved through agreements or a ceasefire, vowing that “the march continues to defeat the rebel terrorist militia.”

    He also urged all Sudanese to participate in what he called the “battle of dignity and honor,” calling on “anyone who can bear arms” to join the fight against the RSF.

    Al-Burhan further stressed that the Sudanese people will not accept the RSF or its supporters, calling on the international community to “collect the weapons from these groups to establish peace in the country.”

    On Nov. 6, the RSF had announced its acceptance of a proposal presented by the International Quad Group (United States, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt) to implement a ceasefire as part of a humanitarian truce in Sudan.

    According to leaked details, the proposal envisions a three-month humanitarian truce to allow aid access, followed by a nine-month political process aimed at achieving a comprehensive settlement and a permanent ceasefire.

    Sudan continues to be gripped by a brutal conflict between the Sudanese army and the RSF, which broke out in April 2023. The fighting has claimed tens of thousands of lives and forced millions from their homes, deepening the country’s humanitarian crisis.

    Sudan’s army chief Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan said on Friday there will be “no truce or peace” with the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), stressing that military operations will continue until the “complete elimination of the rebel militia.”

    Xinhua

    Source : https://en.igihe.com/news/article/sudan-s-army-chief-says-no-truce-with-paramilitary-forces

  • The day Rwanda was assigned to Germany at the Berlin Conference #rwanda #RwOT

    The Berlin Conference, which took place from November 15, 1884, to February 26, 1885, marked a pivotal moment in this transformation. As European nations scrambled to divide Africa among themselves, Rwanda, like many of its neighbors, was caught in the web of imperialism.

    It was during this conference that Rwanda’s fate was sealed on November 15, 1884, with the country being placed under German control.

    The effects of this decision were far-reaching. Rwanda had never experienced massacres between its inhabitants before the German, and then Belgian colonization, which following the Berlin Conference from, led to the signing of the General Act for the Partition of Africa among Western powers.

    Rwanda was assigned to the German zone. Then, Germany, England, and Belgium agreed to reduce Rwanda’s borders, annexing Rwandan territories to the Belgian Congo and Uganda.

    The Berlin Conference led to the signing of the General Act for the Partition of Africa among Western powers.

    The spark of colonization

    The Berlin Conference, hosted by Chancellor Otto von Bismarck of Germany, was convened with one purpose: to regulate European colonization and trade in Africa.

    The conference saw representatives from 14 European powers, including Britain, France, Belgium, Portugal, Spain, Germany, and Italy, come together to formalize their claims to African territories.

    The conference was governed by what came to be known as the Berlin Act (1885), a document that set the rules for colonization. It called for European powers to notify each other of their territorial claims and to establish effective occupation. Africa, which had long been home to thriving civilizations, was now a pawn in European geopolitics.

    Rwanda, along with Burundi, was assigned to Germany as part of the larger German East Africa protectorate, which also included present-day Tanzania. This marked the beginning of a dramatic shift in the region’s trajectory.

    The effects of the Berlin Conference were far-reaching, especially in Rwanda. The decision to place Rwanda under German rule was not simply a matter of territorial control; it marked the beginning of a colonial era that would fundamentally alter the country’s social, economic, and political structures.

    During this time, Rwanda was ruled under the reign of King Kigeli IV Rwabugiri, who was placed in a position of limited authority by the Germans.

    His power was undermined by the colonial administration, which took full control over the economy and governance. The imposition of European rule created tension between the local monarchy and the colonial powers.

    Rwanda was assigned to Germany during the Berlin Conference.

    The collapse of German control

    While Germany’s rule over Rwanda was relatively short-lived, it had significant lasting effects on the country. World War I (1914-1918) played a key role in shifting Rwanda’s colonial allegiance. In 1916, as Germany was embroiled in the war in Europe, Belgian forces took over the German colonies in Africa, including Rwanda.

    According to the book 'The History of Rwanda’ published by the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission cyasohowe in 2016, written under the supervision of Paul Rutayisire and Déo Byanafashe, the last German soldiers left Kigali by May 5, 1916.

    After the war, as indicated by the United Nations, the League of Nations granted Belgium a mandate over the territory of Rwanda, then called Ruanda-Urundi, on October 20, 1924, making them Belgian colonies.

    The change from German to Belgian control marked a new chapter in Rwanda’s colonial history. On January 1, 1932, Belgium introduced ethnic identity cards, where the colonial administration deepened its involvement in Rwanda’s social structures, solidifying the divide between the Tutsi and Hutu populations.

    Rwanda was initially under German colonial rule before the Germans were eventually driven out of the country.

    Rwanda’s path to independence

    Rwanda’s colonial history, shaped first by Germany and later by Belgium, left enduring scars on the nation. Beginning in 1917, Belgium implemented sweeping reforms to Rwanda’s customary institutions, introducing labor legislation that included harsh corporal punishments.

    During this period, the racist political party PARMEHUTU emerged, rising to power through a well-coordinated massacre of Tutsi people starting on November 2, 1959.

    To secure PARMEHUTU’s dominance, Belgium sent Colonel Guy Logiest to Rwanda as Special Military Resident, granting him full administrative authority. Once Belgium was confident that PARMEHUTU had consolidated its hold on the political landscape, it granted Rwanda independence in July 1962. However, independence brought neither peace nor stability.

    Between 1959 and 1962, the country endured a series of unpunished massacres, including the killing of more than 2,000 Tutsi in Byumba Prefecture in March 1962.

    In December 1963, a more systematic genocide targeting the Tutsi was orchestrated with Belgium’s support. Some diplomats, missionaries, international cooperation staff, as well as the French, Belgian, and British press, along with the Vatican, described these killings as genocide.

    The deep social and political rifts created by the colonial system continued to plague the country, ultimately culminating in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.

    This tragic chapter was brought to an end by the intervention of the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA).

    The Berlin Conference ook place from November 15, 1884, to February 26, 1885.

    On January 1, 1932, Belgium introduced ethnic identity cards, where the colonial administration deepened its involvement in Rwanda’s social structures, solidifying the divide between the Tutsi and Hutu populations.

    IGIHE

    Source : https://en.igihe.com/news/article/the-day-rwanda-was-assigned-to-germany-at-the-berlin-conference

  • Mentorship session at Rwanda’s first startup TV contest, Tangira moves into high gear #rwanda #RwOT

    Recently, the contest launched a mentorship program focused on social impact and sales and marketing. The social impact session aimed to help contestants align their ventures with community needs and sustainable values.

    The main objective of the mentorship on social impact was to inspire founders to design business models that not only generate profits but also contribute to solving pressing social challenges.

    Phiona Ingabire, a coach on social impact emphasized the importance of building ventures that leave a lasting impact within the community.

    'Sustainable businesses are built on trust, customer loyalty, and good conduct,' stated Ingabire, further emphasizing that, ' success is not just about numbers but about integrity and community impact'.

    During her session, she also highlighted key focus areas of social impact including the value of trust and ethics, building long-term customer loyalty and ensuring sustainability through responsible entrepreneurship.

    One of the contestants, the founder of Examira Group Ltd shared that they learned how crucial community trust and ethical practices are in building sustainable businesses.

    After the sessions on social impact, the contestants faced a panel of judges including coach Gael Karomba (Inventor & CEO, Legacy Group Kigali Universe) ,Phiona Ingabire ( Program, Partnership Management, Entrepreneurship Coach and Business Development) and Charles Haba (CEO Century Real Estate) in an intense evaluation session.

    The judges commended the contestants for their creativity and passion. As part of the process, two founders were eliminated, narrowing the remaining contestants to ten.

    The next session on marketing and sales was moderated by Coach Tadhim Uwizeye, an expert in business marketing and sales management. Her session equipped contestants with practical tools for customer engagement and business visibility.

    Uwizeye urged contestants to make the most of social media and digital platforms to reach their audiences.

    Her sessions focused on leveraging social media for business growth, the use of metrics and customer behavior analysis to make data-driven decisions and developing customer-focused marketing strategies.

    One of the contestants who is the founder of Mindtech Innovation Ltd reported gaining new insights into how to position their brands and to tailor their communication effectively.

    The session boosted their confidence to apply modern marketing tools to scale their startups. It concluded with a judging panel featuring Tadhim Uwizeye (Founder and CEO Olado.rw/ Techwomen 2023 Emerging leader) and Charles Haba (CEO Century Real Estate). The judges evaluated the contestants’ progress leading to elimination of two founders.

    This saw 8 founders advancing to the next session of mentorship, which will focus on HR, finance, and financial management, following their exposure to social impact and marketing.”

    The Tangira startup TV contest is powered by RG CONSULT INC, and supported by a wide array of sponsors including IGIHE, 250 startups , ICT Chamber, Ministry of ICT and Innovation, ABA VIP, RSE, BPN, BRD, Capital FM, Royal FM, Itara Filmz, BTN TV, ATV, ESP and Nepfilms.

    The main objective of the mentorship on social impact was to inspire founders to design business models that not only generate profits but also contribute to solving pressing social challenges.

    Judges commended the contestants for their creativity and passion.

    Phiona Ingabire, a coach on social impact emphasized the importance of building ventures that leave a lasting impact within the community.

    Tangira TV contest recently launched a mentorship program focused on social impact and sales and marketing.

    The mentorship session at Rwanda’s first startup TV contest, Tangira, has moved into high gear at Timbuktoo, a UNDP-sponsored accelerator.

    IGIHE

    Source : https://en.igihe.com/news/article/mentorship-session-at-rwanda-s-first-startup-tv-contest-tangira-moves-into-high

  • How Rwanda aims to reach $192 million in coffee export earnings #rwanda #RwOT

    Agricultural and livestock products remain among Rwanda’s strongest foreign exchange contributors. In the 2023/24 fiscal year, the country earned more than $839.2 million (over 1.2 trillion Rwandan Francs) from the export of agricultural produce.

    Coffee continues to play a central role in this performance. This year alone, the crop generated $78.71 million, reinforcing Rwanda’s reputation for producing high-quality speciality coffee that enjoys strong international demand.

    To boost future earnings, NAEB is intensifying efforts to expand and rejuvenate the country’s coffee plantations. This year, 2,902,145 seedlings will be planted across 1,043 hectares, while an additional 443 hectares of ageing, low-yield trees, many of which have produced for more than three decades, will be replaced. Last year, farmers planted 1.3 million seedlings as part of the same long-term expansion strategy.

    A significant driver of this growth is the Promoting Smallholder Agro-export Competitiveness (PSAC) project, which runs until 2029. Under PSAC, 9 million coffee seedlings are set to be planted on 3,050 hectares. The initiative supports smallholder farmers to increase both the volume and quality of export crops, enabling them to compete more effectively in global markets.

    PSAC is currently active in six major tea- and coffee-producing districts: Nyaruguru, Karongi, Nyamasheke, Rutsiro, Nyabihu, and Rulindo.

    NAEB Chief Executive Officer Bizimana Claude emphasised the importance of collaboration with farmers to drive export growth.

    'Working closely with coffee farmers across the country, we aim to increase exports by replacing old trees and expanding cultivation areas,' he said. 'NAEB is providing new seedlings and fertilisers to ensure higher yields and better quality, helping farmers secure improved prices.'

    For many farmers, the impact is already visible. Seth Ndutiye, a veteran coffee grower from the Mubuga sector in Karongi District, has cultivated coffee for 30 years.

    'I began planting coffee at 15 and now have 2,000 trees,' he said. 'Thanks to the new seedlings supplied by NAEB, our production has increased significantly.'

    Ndutiye added that ageing trees had long been a challenge, with some producing fewer than three kilogrammes per tree for decades. In contrast, the new varieties are already yielding up to 12 kilogrammes per tree, offering hope for higher incomes and a more sustainable future for coffee farming.

    Rwanda’s renewed push in the coffee sector is expected to sustain its export growth trajectory while strengthening the livelihoods of thousands of smallholder farmers nationwide.

    Rwanda is projected to earn up to $192 million from coffee exports this year, according to figures from the National Agricultural Export Development Board (NAEB). The revenue will come from an estimated 32,000 tonnes of coffee destined for international markets.

    IGIHE

    Source : https://en.igihe.com/business-62/article/how-rwanda-aims-to-reach-192-million-in-coffee-export-earnings

  • Juvenal Habyarimana’s family: The symbol of moral decay #rwanda #RwOT

    On the evening of April 6, 1994, two presidents—Juvénal Habyarimana of Rwanda and Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi—were killed when their plane was struck by two surface-to-air missiles near Kigali. Both men, their aides, and the French crew perished instantly. Expert investigations have long indicated that the missiles were fired from the Kanombe military barracks, suggesting an internal plot rather than a foreign attack.

    But this story is not about the who or why of that fateful night. It is about what followed. It is about the shocking silence of a family that abandoned not only a country but the very bodies of those they claimed to love. Under normal human circumstances—indeed, under the most basic laws of decency—one would expect a national mourning, a solemn state funeral, an investigation into the deaths of two heads of state. At least, the final act of love that affirms life’s value.

    Instead, the killing of the president became the pretext, not for justice, but for the most organized and a pre-planned extermination campaign of the late twentieth century—the Genocide Against the Tutsi. The plane crash was immediately recast as a divine signal — that the time had come to 'work.' Within hours, the Interahamwe militias, the Presidential Guard, and the state radio machine swung into action. Lists of Tutsis were already prepared.

    And in that mayhem, while machetes gleamed and radio waves shouted for blood, something else happened that reveals more than any historical commission ever could: the first family fled, leaving behind their dead.

    The Flight of the Living Abandoning the Dead

    Just three days after the plane crash, on April 9, 1994, a French military aircraft lifted off from Kigali. On board were Agathe Kanziga Habyarimana, her children, and a close circle of allies. They flew to safety while Rwanda burned. But what made the escape most grotesque was that they left behind the bodies of their husband, father, and brother.

    President Habyarimana’s body lay in the mortuary at Kanombe Military Hospital. Alongside him was Colonel Élie Sagatwa, Agathe Kanziga’s brother and the president’s Private Secretary. The two men, whose power had defined an era of fear and division, were now mere corpses—unburied, unattended, and abandoned by those who owed them at least a final prayer. Their blood had not yet dried when their family boarded a French plane and left the country. No one paused to ask: Who buried the President? Who buried Colonel Sagatwa?

    Even in death, the two key family members were treated like disposable instruments—spent tools in a conspiracy too large for sentiment.

    In many cultures, burial is the ultimate act of love, the last whisper of loyalty. But Agathe Kanziga and her children chose exile over decency. They fled with jewelry, documents, and servants—but not with the bodies of the men who had given them everything. While France saw them as victims escaping chaos; in truth, they were architects escaping accountability.

    I have often wondered: what kind of people could abandon their own dead and then find the audacity to mock the living survivors of the genocide their regime engineered? Perhaps, as Rwanda’s history shows, evil does not always end in the grave; sometimes, it boards the last plane out.

    Love Died Before the Body

    In most families, tragedy unites. Loss softens the heart, even of the cruel. But in the Habyarimana family, tragedy hardened what was already stone. They did not flee because they feared justice; they fled because they feared irrelevance. They could live without a husband, without a father, even without a grave — but not without power.

    Their escape marked the ultimate betrayal of kinship. While Agathe Kanziga was being evacuated by foreign troops, her husband’s siblings were left to fend for themselves amid the turmoil. Among those left behind were two elder sisters, Telesphore Nturoziraga and Godelive Barushywanubusa, both Catholic nuns in the Benebikira congregation, and their brother—Dr. Séraphin Bararengana, by then, a lecturer at the medical school in Butare. Dr. Bararengana is Habyarimana’s younger brother. It was not just abandonment but moral cannibalism. They ate their own memory to preserve their privilege.

    Perhaps the most disturbing aspect of this story is not political, but existential. In every society, the act of burial or cremation, is the bridge between the living and the dead. It is the proof that love outlasts breath. To abandon the dead voluntarily, is to announce that love has expired before life did.

    Agathe Kanziga’s silence speaks volumes. There has never been a public statement from her about why she left her husband unburied, why she refused to return his remains, or even what became of them. There has been no ritual, no commemoration, no acknowledgement. For her and her children, President Habyarimana was useful only when alive.

    For years, I was haunted by one simple question: How could a wife abandon the corpse of her husband and brother? In November 1996, I met Sister Godelive in Gisenyi. She had just crossed the border back into Rwanda from the then-Zaire. She resembled her brother so much that recognition was immediate. Out of respect, I offered my condolences. But curiosity—perhaps even disbelief—got the better of me.

    I asked her why her brother had never been given a decent burial, who had taken that decision, and where his body was. She looked at me with the tired resignation of someone who had run out of explanations, shrugged, and said simply, 'Well, it happened like that.'

    That phrase—it happened like that—echoed in me for years. It was not an answer; it was a confession of moral collapse.

    Nine years later, in 2005, I met Sister Godelive again at a Gacaca court in Remera and posed the same question. This time she admitted that 'some powerful people decided as such.' She never said who, but only revealed that on April 11, 1994, she and her two surviving siblings had driven to their birthplace to continue mourning. The family’s matriarch, Agathe Kanziga, and her children were already gone—safe in the arms of France.

    The rest of the story, I pieced together from whispers: the president’s body was first kept in the Kanombe mortuary, later moved to a refrigeration facility at the Gisenyi brewery, and finally transported to Ngaliema Hospital in Kinshasa via Goma. After that, silence. The coordinates of his final resting place remain a mystery—an unmarked shame.

    A Family Without Mourning

    The psychology of grief is universal, but in the Habyarimana household, grief seemed to have been outsourced. The widow never returned to see the grave. The children never once demanded to know where their father or uncle lay. They moved on as if death were a bureaucratic inconvenience.

    In truth, they didn’t mourn because mourning would require confronting guilt. To bury a body is to acknowledge the humanity of the dead; to refuse is to preserve the fiction of innocence. And for a family implicated—morally, politically, and ideologically—in the genocidal regime that followed the crash, it was safer or convenient to let the corpse disappear.

    In a sense, Habyarimana became the first casualty of the ideology he helped cultivate. Even in death, he was sacrificed to the machinery of Hutu Power—a system that devoured its own creator. His widow and children have never once spoken publicly about the decision to flee without burying him. Instead, they have busied themselves with rewriting history, denying genocide, and painting their family as victims of a grand RPF conspiracy.

    The Habyarimana family offers a grim study in how greed corrupts not just politics but affection itself. In their world, relationships were transactional; loyalty was conditional on utility. Once Habyarimana’s death ceased to serve their cause, his memory became disposable.

    It is a form of kinship where affection is subordinated to ideology. In such families, mourning is not a private sorrow but a political liability. This is why Agathe Kanziga could abandon her husband’s body and still appear serene; why her sons can deny genocide with academic confidence; and why none of them has ever shown genuine remorse. Their moral compass did not break in 1994 — it was never calibrated to begin with.

    Sarcasm of the Unmourned Dead

    Imagine, for a moment, the absurd drama of it all: The president of a nation is shot from the sky; his body lies cold in a morgue surrounded by loyal soldiers; the radio he once controlled blares hate speech into the night; and his family—rather than arranging a funeral—packs suitcases. They run to the airport escorted by foreign troops, stepping over the ashes of a country they helped set ablaze.

    One can almost hear the dialogue between Agathe and her son Jean-Luc: 'Should we take his body?' 'No time, my dear son. The French are waiting.' 'What about Uncle Élie?' 'I think he’ll understand. As a soldier, he always followed orders.' And off they go, grabbing passports and memories selective enough to fit in diplomatic luggage.

    The world later saw them on French television, faces composed, words measured, speaking of 'tragedy' and 'injustice.' But not once—just once—did they mention where their husband, father, or brother was buried. Their silence was louder than the French aircraft’s engines that took them away. In broad daylight— they fled their crime scene, not to mourn, or to bury, but to vanish.

    The Structure of Moral Evasion

    To mock the absurdity of this family’s choices is not cruelty—it is an ethical necessity. Since their silence tells a story about the broader pathology of genocide denial. The Habyarimana family’s failure to bury their dead reflects their inability to face the truth. They negate the genocide against the Tutsi not because they misinterpret it, but because admitting it would require acknowledging complicity—in ideology and in logistics.

    Jean-Luc Habyarimana and his brother Léon have become the loudest voices in the choir of genocide denial, tweeting and speaking from Europe as if history were a social-media debate. They accuse Rwanda of manipulation, and present themselves as heirs to a stolen legacy. But what legacy is it, exactly? A father who presided over ethnic division? Uncles who planned genocide? A family that fled over the corpses of the very people they incited to kill?

    It takes a rare kind of moral corrosion to transform tragedy into self-pity. The sons have inherited not the discipline of their father but the delusion and crimes of his regime. They have become digital exiles, yelling into cyberspace about justice while their own family’s dead remain abandoned somewhere.

    Even in war, there is a line that most people do not cross: the line of filial duty. To leave your dead unburied is to renounce your own humanity. But perhaps that, too, was symbolic. For if they could abandon their own, it is not surprising they could abandon a whole nation to slaughter.

    Applied Hypocrisy and the French connection

    When one studies genocide, one learns that denial is its final stage. The Habyarimana family, especially his wife and children, embodies that final stage perfectly. Their flight on April 9, 1994, was not just a physical escape—it was a symbolic act of denial. They fled from death, from truth, from the reckoning that burying their dead would have forced upon them.

    France, of course, remains an accomplice in this macabre story. The French military not only evacuated the Habyarimana family but also shielded many of the regime’s key figures during Opération Amaryllis. While thousands of Rwandans were being hacked to death, the protectors of 'civilization' were busy loading genocidaires onto planes.

    To this day, France has never explained why it prioritized their evacuation over that of thousands of civilians who were being hunted. Who gave the order? Who decided that the widow of a fallen president was more valuable than the orphans left behind in the blood-soaked hills of Kigali? And who decided that her husband’s and brother’s bodies were not worth a grave?

    The questions hang like ghosts over Rwanda’s history, unanswered because those who should have answered them prefer silence.

    The French authorities, who later welcomed Agathe into their territory, hold part of the answer to Rwanda’s unburied questions. It is an irony too bitter for satire: the country that prides itself on liberty, equality, and fraternity became the safe haven for a family that showed none of the three.

    The Lessons of Abandonment

    What should the world learn from this grotesque tale of flight and forgetfulness? That genocide is not only the act of killing; it is also the refusal to mourn. It begins with the devaluation of others’ lives and ends with the desecration of one’s own dead.

    The Habyarimana family represents that continuum perfectly — from the self-importance of power to the spinelessness of denial. Their behavior reveals how genocidal ideology destroys even the most intimate bonds. When a family can abandon its patriarch’s corpse and feel no shame, imagine what it felt toward the people it deemed 'cockroaches.'

    To tell this story is not to indulge in gruesome curiosity. It is to expose the anatomy of inhumanity—the way political power can hollow out even the most cherished human bonds. I often think back to that quiet encounter in Gisenyi in 1996 — the weary eyes of Sister Godelive, although not so innocent, her resigned voice, her catchphrase: 'some powerful people decided as such.'

    Those words carry the weight of a nation’s unanswered questions. Who decided that mourning should be canceled? Who decided that Rwanda’s agony would be christened as 'work'? Who decided that the dead president’s body was less important than the genocidal plan his death unleashed?

    History may never name them all, but we know their inheritors — the showy deniers, the self-proclaimed 'critics,' the ones who inherited silence and turned it into noise. But for Agathe Kanziga and her children, silence is complicity.

    They live in comfort abroad, giving interviews and tweeting manifestos, yet the graves of their husband, father, and uncle remain unmarked mysteries. In a world that glorifies memory, there stands one tomb without a name, one grave without a body, one death without mourning. It belongs to Juvénal Habyarimana — not the man, but the symbol of everything that went wrong in Rwanda.

    His family fled, his body vanished, and his legacy decayed into denial. Perhaps that is the justice of history: that the man who built his power on dehumanization was denied the very humanity of burial. Yes, those who denied humanity to others now cannot find closure even in their own kin’s death.

    Unburied Realities

    If one were to build a monument to hypocrisy, it would not need a marble or granite stone. It would need only the invisible tomb of President Habyarimana and Colonel Sagatwa—two men whose deaths unleashed cataclysm, and whose own families treated their bodies as inconveniences.

    Still, the questions remain — sharp as wrecks of glass: How can those who abandoned their own dead pretend to lecture the living? How can those who refused a funeral of their most loved ones speak of truth? And how can silence still echo so loudly, three decades later?

    Until those questions are answered, Rwanda’s history remains incomplete — not because the nation forgot to bury a genocidal dictator, but because the family that fled him forgot how to be human.

    One day, history will demand an answer to a simple, human question: Where are they buried? And in that answer—or its continued absence—will lie the final judgment on a family that fled not only from justice, but from love itself.

    In April 1994, as Rwanda descended into its darkest night, the family of Habyarimana chose to abandon his body and flee.

    Tom Ndahiro

    Source : https://en.igihe.com/opinion/article/juvenal-habyarimana-s-family-the-symbol-of-moral-decay

  • Foreign minister denies reports of DRC backing FDLR despite mounting evidence #rwanda #RwOT

    Her remarks come amid long-standing international concern over alleged DRC military support for the group and ongoing instability in the region.

    In a recent interview on Al Jazeera, Kayikwamba denied any government support, stating, 'We do not. They are Rwandans. They have been on our territory for the past 30 years. They have been preying predominantly on our population, not on the Rwandan population.'

    International human rights organisations, including Human Rights Watch, have repeatedly reported that the DRC has at times supported the FDLR depending on its political relations with Rwanda. When pressed on these accusations, Kayikwamba dismissed them: 'It isn’t. You are talking about 2009 when we are in 2025.'

    She also sought to downplay the UN Security Council Resolution 2773, adopted in February 2025, which condemned DRC military support for the FDLR and called for its cessation, describing such incidents as isolated cases.

    'Well, if there are cases of support to the FDLR, and I think this is the important distinction we need to make, it is not state policy. We are talking about individuals. We are talking about individuals within the army. And when we have evidence of that, we also have mechanisms to hold them accountable and to sanction them,' she said.

    Pressed on why the Security Council addressed the Congolese military rather than the individuals allegedly involved, she insisted: 'No, because these random members are still part of the army. And so the army is held accountable, and is held accountable to make sure that any behaviour that is not in line with its policy is sanctioned.'

    She was taken to task over why the military had to issue a formal communiqué on 10 October 2025, if such cases were truly isolated. The directive warned soldiers not to collaborate with the FDLR, raising questions about how widespread such behaviour really is.

    Kayikwamba responded: 'We clearly communicate to the public and to our army that any discretion will not be tolerated.'

    When asked if FDLR fighters had begun complying with disarmament efforts under the Washington agreement between Rwanda and the DRC signed in June, Kayikwamba said that some are already laying down their arms through the UN programme for reintegrating former combatants into civilian life.

    However, the FDLR’s military spokesperson, Lt Col Octavien Mutimura, recently told Radio France Internationale (RFI) that their fighters have no intention of disarming and are prepared to fight if attacked.

    “We are here to defend ourselves and protect the abandoned Rwandan refugees. Asking us to lay down our arms without honouring our request is just a dream,” he said.

    FDLR fighters remain active across eastern DRC, including the Walikale territory, and continue coordinating with other armed factions in offensives against the AFC/M23 rebel group, which is engaged in conflict with the Kinshasa administration.

    Rwanda Defence Forces spokesperson Brig Gen Ronald Rwivanga said in June that the FDLR comprises between 7,000 and 10,000 fighters. This week, the UN repatriated 12 FDLR combatants, highlighting the slow pace of the disarmament process.

    The Democratic Republic of Congo’s (DRC) Foreign Minister, Thérèse Kayikwamba Wagner, has denied any government collaboration with the FDLR, a militia group formed by remnants of the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, which has been responsible for decades of attacks in eastern Congo.

    This week, the UN repatriated 12 FDLR combatants, highlighting the slow pace of the disarmament process.

    IGIHE

    Source : https://en.igihe.com/politics-48/article/foreign-minister-denies-reports-of-drc-backing-fdlr-despite-mounting-evidence