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The championships will begin with the women’s and men’s time trials. Afghan rider Yulduz Hashimi will be the first woman off the start line at 10 a.m.

Race routes across the city have been finalised, with road signage and protective barriers in place to ensure both rider safety and a clear viewing experience for fans. The starting point at BK Arena and the finish at the junction near Kigali Convention Centre are fully set up.

Elite cyclists from more than 100 countries have arrived in Kigali ahead of the competition, familiarising themselves with the streets and completing training sessions to prepare for the week-long event.

Fan zones with food and seating areas have been arranged along the course, while VIP guests will have dedicated viewing areas to follow the action up close. A total of 917 competitors will take part in the championships, showcasing the world’s top cycling talent on Kigali’s roads.

Meanwhile, the Rwanda National Police has issued a detailed plan of road closures and alternative routesto help residents and motorists navigate the city during the competition.

Cyclists who will participate in the UCI Road World Championships have arrived in Rwanda

Kigali streets ready for UCI Road World Championships.

Fan zones set up for spectators to follow the race.

Cycling teams train across Kigali ahead of the championships.

Protective barriers to safeguard riders and fans have been extensively installed.

Food and drink zones set up for fans.

Finish line set at KCC and Kigali Heights junction.

The race will conclude at the intersection of KCC and Kigali Heights roads.

Finish line area ready for the race.

IGIHE

Hirwa’s path to the arts began during his undergraduate studies at Southern New Hampshire University. In 2019, while still a student, he joined the Writivism Mentoring Program, a project by The Center for African Cultural Excellence. Under the mentorship of Nigerian writer Adeola Opeyemi, he learned a lesson that continues to shape his creative process on the importance of showing rather than telling.

'I am greatly indebted to my time in the program and my mentor Adeola Opeyemi,' he reflects.

'That is the first time I learnt to show, not to tell. Even now in my poetry practice, what sets me apart from my earlier version is that I make sure to show, not to tell. And I believe this makes the poetry more visual. I think that rule also influenced my love for photography, at least subconsciously.'

'Misozi Gihumbi,' part of Imaging Peace, a collective exhibition curated by Dr. Tiffany Fairey, was on view at The Strand in London in 2025.

By 2020, at the age of 22, Hirwa was admitted into the MFA program in Creative Writing at Texas State University, moving to the United States a year later. There, he studied under acclaimed poet Naomi Shihab Nye and refined his voice as a poet. His chapbook Hairpins, published by Akashic Books in 2023, was selected by Kwame Dawes and Chris Abani for the African Poetry Book Fund’s chapbook boxset series. The collection, he explains, captured his early 20s’ struggles with identity.

'The book captures my early 20s’ grapple with identity,' he says. 'Most of the poems are attempts at understanding my own masculinity. I wrote the book when I was around 23 years old, fresh out of high school and college, and I had questions about where I stood on the spectrum of masculinity. Am I a soft man, am I a tough guy, why does it matter etc. Those are the ideas the book captured.'

Alongside the chapbook, his poems, essays, and fiction have appeared in Wasafiri, Poetry Society of America, Lolwe, and Transition Magazine. Each piece, whether a poem about solitude or an essay on small spaces, reflects his interest in how identity, belonging, and culture intersect.

But Hirwa’s work is not confined to the page. In 2024, shortly after returning to Rwanda, he staged his first solo photography exhibition, Stilettos, Nikes, and a Basketball, at L’Espace in Kigali with support from the Goethe-Institut. The exhibition marked the start of his photography career and a significant return home.

'The solo exhibition was a marker of various shifts in my life,' he explains. 'It also meant that this is a person returning home to show home who he has become. Since my photography captures how I see the world, an exhibition like the one at L’Espace was a way to say to my home 'this is what I have seen’.'

Visitors tour Hirwa’s solo exhibition of 40 photographs at L’Espace, Kimihurura.

The response from audiences in Kigali was immediate.

'Attendees had good responses to the exhibition. I remember there is this teenage boy I found sitting on the floor reading a piece of text I had printed on a transparent paper and attached on the white floor. He admired the experimental approach to the curation of the physical display of the artworks, and what more can one ask for?'

Hirwa has since participated in group exhibitions at the Kigali Center for Photography and at The Strand in London, expanding the reach of his street photography. His images often portray the quiet dignity of everyday life—motorcycle taxi drivers in colourful vests, children at play, the textures of Kigali’s neighbourhoods.

His forthcoming full-length poetry collection, Dear Zoe, was a finalist for the 2025 Sillerman First Book Prize for African Poetry. The book, still awaiting publication, focuses on the Rwandan diaspora and the ways people sustain cultural identity abroad.

At just 28, his work has been published internationally and exhibited in Kigali and London, positioning him among Rwanda’s emerging literary and artistic voices.

'The book 'Dear Zoe’ documents the ways in which the Rwandan diaspora makes a living abroad, such as running or working in hair salons, restaurants, and many other jobs and lifestyles in such cities as Dallas and Brussels,' he says.

'I hope when it gets published, it will spark conversations on how the Rwandan diaspora make a living abroad, and their experiences in relation to identity, belonging, and nostalgia.'

The poster for the L’Espace exhibition held in Kimihurura last year.

Hirwa acknowledges that his influences are wide-ranging. He cites Teju Cole’s Blind Spot as a model for pairing photographs with prose, Joel Meyerowitz’s mastery of street photography, and Warsan Shire’s poetry about migration and belonging.

'The two men, both Cole and Meyerowitz, have taught me to focus on simple things in my artworks in general, both writing and photography,' he notes. 'That is why, as a photographer, I am interested in capturing the beauty in the mundane, which reflects my poetry too in a way. As in, what is a day like for a moto driver working in Kigali during weekdays and going to the provinces on the weekend to his wife and kids? That’s where Warsan Shire comes in. Her poetry is about the humanity of people.'

Living and creating between Rwanda and the United States has also shaped his sense of belonging.

'Living transnationally has distracted this sense of belonging to me,' he admits. 'When I was in the US, my poetry was my attempt at staying connected to my roots, my Rwandan culture. But it’s a real hustle since being away most times means whether one likes it or not he or she is acculturating, hence trying to keep the writing originally Rwandan becomes hard.'

For Hirwa, poetry, prose, and photography are not separate practices but interconnected modes of expression.

'Yes, they feed into one another because they are on a spectrum of realism versus abstractedness,' he explains. 'My poetry is a transcription of my photography, and my essays and pieces of fiction are translations of my poetry.'

Looking ahead, he envisions expanding into film. Inspired by Rwandan filmmaker Kivu Ruhorahoza and Senegalese director Djibril Diop Mambety, he hopes to bring the same attentiveness to story and image into motion pictures.

For now, Hirwa remains rooted in Kigali, balancing writing with photography and documenting Rwanda with the same patience he first learned under mentorship. Whether in verse or image, his work is an evolving archive of how Rwandans see themselves, at home and abroad.

Alain Hirwa’s chapbook Hairpins, published by Akashic Books in 2023, was selected by Kwame Dawes and Chris Abani for the African Poetry Book Fund’s chapbook boxset series. The collection, he explains, captured his early 20s’ struggles with identity.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

Minister Nduhungirehe highlighted Burundi’s role in the ongoing war in Eastern DRC during an interview with journalist Scovia Mutesi.

Burundians were part of the East African Community Regional Force deployed to DRC late 2022.

DRC President Félix Antoine Tshisekedi later decided to expel these troops, accusing them of failing to attack the M23 rebel group but some of Burundi’s troops remained, agreeing to fight alongside the DRC army.

Since then, the number of Burundian troops in DRC has increased, and have been seen fighting alongside the Congolese army forces allied with the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) and Wazalendo groups.

Minister Nduhungirehe stated that to date, Burundian forces have been involved in ongoing violence targeting Congolese Tutsi and Banyamulenge communities.

'As we know, Burundian troops in Eastern DRC are collaborating with the Congolese government in the ongoing war, which includes ongoing targeting of Banyamulenge and Congolese Tutsi communities,' he noted.

He further expressed concern over Burundi’s actions, likening them to adding fuel to a fire.

'These actions are concerning, and the Burundian government should understand that it must not add fuel to the fire. If it seeks peace in the region, it must stop this war against the Congolese people. The Burundian government needs to understand this and contribute to regional peace efforts,' said Minister Nduhungirehe.

He also condemned Burundi’s decision to use Bujumbura airport for the conflict, as a hub for transporting weapons and launching drone strikes aimed at Congolese civilians.

At different times, Burundi has accused Rwanda of harboring ill intentions towards it, even suggesting that Rwanda plans to attack. Nduhungirehe dismissed these claims as baseless.

'They’ve made these claims, and as you know, they are untrue. They have been repeating this. Rwanda has no plans to attack Burundi,' he stated.

In January 2024, the Burundian government closed all land borders with Rwanda.

This followed remarks made by President Ndayishimiye in his end-of-year speech for 2023, in which he hinted at closing the borders with Rwanda after accusing it of supporting the RED Tabara rebel group fighting his government.

The relationship between Rwanda and Burundi further deteriorated when Burundi’s troops began working with the FDLR terrorist group in Eastern DRC.

At that time, it was also reported that senior FDLR leaders would hold meetings in Burundi.

IGIHE

“I have a disagreement with the prime minister on that score,” Trump told a joint press conference before ending his second state visit to Britain, when asked about Britain’s recognition plan. “One of our few disagreements, actually.”

Starmer announced in July that Britain would recognize Palestinian statehood in September unless the Israeli government takes substantive steps to end the conflict in Gaza. According to media reports, the recognition is expected to be formalized over the weekend after Trump’s state visit.

Starmer said at the press conference that the timing of this move “has got nothing to do” with the U.S. president’s visit.

Earlier on Thursday, the two sides signed a multi-billion-dollar tech deal to boost cooperation in fast-growing sectors such as artificial intelligence, quantum computing and nuclear energy.

Under the agreement, Microsoft will invest 30 billion U.S. dollars in AI infrastructure in Britain, while Google will open a data center in Waltham Cross, Hertfordshire.

Trump concluded his visit to Britain and departed after the press conference. His itinerary included a visit on Wednesday to Windsor Castle, where he was met by King Charles, as well as protesters outside the royal residence.

“The so-called (U.S.-UK) special relationship does not exist. The Americans only care about their national interest. To them, every country is the same, just a business deal,” satirical artist Kaya Mar said outside the Castle.

Thousands of demonstrators also marched through central London on Wednesday to protest against the U.S. president’s visit, with criticism of the U.S. policies toward Israel and the Gaza conflict among the main rallying calls.

From Los Angeles, Amanda had flown in that very morning to join the protests. “We don’t have good leadership, and I’m very worried about the direction that the United States is taking and the world,” she said.

U.S. President Donald Trump and First Lady Melania Trump arrive at the White House after a state visit to Britain in Washington, D.C., the United States, on Sept. 18, 2025. Trump said on Thursday that he disagrees with British Prime Minister Keir Starmer over Britain’s plan to recognize a Palestinian state.

Xinhua

The three had previously been remanded in custody by the Nyarugenge Primary Court, which cited serious grounds to suspect them of the alleged crimes.

Prof. Munyaneza faced charges of abuse of authority for personal gain, making decisions influenced by favouritism, nepotism or hatred, and unlawfully receiving or granting payments beyond the legal limit.

Umuhumuza was charged with abuse of authority for personal gain, biased decision-making, and mismanagement of public resources. Murekezi faced a charge of complicity in abuse of authority for personal gain.

After being ordered to 30 days of provisional detention by the Primary Court, the trio appealed. Their case was heard on Tuesday, September 16, 2025.

On September 17, the Intermediate Court upheld their appeal, overturning the Primary Court’s detention order and granting them provisional bail.

Prof. Munyaneza is accused of abuse of authority for personal gain, making decisions influenced by favouritism, nepotism or hatred, and unlawfully receiving or granting payments beyond the legal limit.

Umuhumuza is charged with abuse of authority for personal gain, biased decision-making, and mismanagement of public resources. Murekezi faced a charge of complicity in abuse of authority for personal gain.

Murekezi faced a charge of complicity in abuse of authority for personal gain.

IGIHE

M23 and FARDC accuse each other of violating the ceasefire, while at the same time vowing to respond with force if provoked.

These statements are accompanied by military preparations through drills, increasing the number of soldiers or fighters, and mobilizing more weapons.

All this is happening amid ongoing mediation by the State of Qatar and the United States of America to bring both parties to the negotiating table.

However, the agreed timeline has already lapsed, as the peace accord was expected to be signed no later than August 18, 2025 something that still appears far off.

On the battlefield, it is officially said that no clashes are taking place, yet M23 and militias under the Wazalendo coalition supported by the Congolese government continue engaging in daily skirmishes.

The coalition of government forces has also continued to launch attacks against civilians, including members of the Banyamulenge community in South Kivu Province.

The tense situation in eastern DRC signals that four possible scenarios may unfold in the near future.

Tensions in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are escalating to the point where renewed clashes between the national army (FARDC) with the possibility of it being more intense than before.

Tshisekedi’s withdrawal from the talks

As a Rwandan proverb says, 'Ibitinze birabora'—literally, 'what delays will eventually rot.' This adage warns of the setbacks and risks that often accompany unnecessary delays.

The stalled outcome of the Doha process is not a good sign; rather, it shows that efforts to reconcile the two sides have consistently failed, especially after the Declaration of Principles signed on July 19 were not respected.

These principles were supposed to be observed by July 29, followed by peace talks not later than August 8, and finally the signing of a peace accord. However, that entire timeline collapsed.

M23 accuses the Congolese government of continuing to attack civilians and its positions, while also refusing to release 700 of its prisoners despite earlier commitments to do so before peace talks could begin. The group argues that there is no reason to enter negotiations if those principles are not upheld.

The conduct of the Congolese government should serve as a reminder: whenever it has delayed in implementing resolutions from peace talks, it has eventually withdrawn altogether. This was the case at the end of 2022, when it pulled out of the Nairobi talks.

In a meeting held on August 30 with members of the Union Sacrée ruling coalition, President Tshisekedi stated that Congolese people do not need a mediator to hold dialogue, and that those who take up arms should not be included in negotiations. This signaled a different agenda in the Doha process.

'Congolese people do not need a mediator in order to talk. They should not have to take up arms before entering discussions. Congolese people have already demonstrated that they follow democracy, and they engage through democracy and respect for the rule of law in their own country,' he said.

On September 4, M23 spokesperson Lawrence Kanyuka, speaking in South Africa, said that Tshisekedi was seeking war.

'He declared that he has closed the door on all negotiations — he wants war. This is what he has been saying from the very beginning,' he stated.

The international community maintains that the conflict in eastern DRC can only be resolved through political dialogue, while President Tshisekedi insists that military force is the only path to reclaim territories seized by M23.

M23 could seize more major cities

By June 2025, M23 controlled 34,000 square kilometers of territory in eastern DRC, including key cities such as Goma in North Kivu Province and Bukavu in South Kivu Province.

It appears that if the Congolese army, along with Burundian forces, FDLR, Wazalendo militias, and mercenaries, launched offensives against M23 positions, the conflict could escalate further.

This could push the group’s fighters to capture additional areas, including the city of Uvira, which serves as one of the government’s major strongholds.

On September 2, the commander of M23 Maj Gen Sultani Makenga, told new recruits who had just completed two months of training that he hoped future training sessions would be held in other major cities such as Kisangani in Tshopo Province, Kalemie in Tanganyika, and Kindu in Maniema.

'This country has collapsed; it needs to be liberated, and liberating it requires strength. As a movement, we are happy today, but we will be even happier when next time we begin such training in Kisangani, Kindu, and Kalemie,' he said.

Although M23 declares that it has no intention of provoking hostilities, the group maintains that it will continue fighting—even advancing to Kinshasa with the aim of toppling President Tshisekedi’s government, if attacked or if the security of Congolese citizens remains under threat.

A dilemma for Burundian troops

Burundian forces have been involved in the fight against M23 since 2023, when the country and Kinshasa signed a military cooperation agreement. However, this partnership has achieved little, as soldiers from both countries have been defeated together and forced to retreat toward Uvira and nearby areas.

If the fighting was to intensify in areas such as Uvira, the situation would become extremely difficult. Each side would deploy maximum force to defend its strongholds and capture new territory, leading to an unprecedented increase in the number of fighters and the use of heavy weaponry.

On September 17, lawmaker Justin Bitakwira, a supporter of President Tshisekedi’s government, told reporters in Kinshasa that if Uvira were to fall, M23 rebels could seize Kolwezi city in Lualaba Province within 24 hours.

Bitakwira, who hails from South Kivu, stated: 'If Uvira were to fall today, what would become of the DRC’s situation? Within less than 24 hours, the rebels would be in Kolwezi. Kolwezi is the economic powerhouse of this country.'

Should M23 manage to enter and seize Uvira, the Burundian troops stationed there would have no option but to retreat to Bujumbura, as they could not sustain themselves in the heart of Congo’s conflict, far from their own territory.

This would not be the first time Burundian forces were forced into retreat. In January, they withdrew from all the positions they controlled in Masisi territory, retreated to Minova only to be ousted again as M23 advanced, then moved to Bukavu, and eventually fell back further to Uvira.

Burundian forces have been involved in the fight against M23 since 2023, when the country and Kinshasa signed a military cooperation agreement.

Tshisekedi under pressure

The international community maintains that the conflict in eastern DRC can only be resolved through political dialogue, while President Tshisekedi insists that military force is the only path to reclaim territories seized by M23.

If Tshisekedi once again rejects peace talks and resumes full-scale fighting, he risks suffering defeat as before with his forces losing even more territory. Should that happen, the international community would likely pile heavy pressure on him to return to the political track.

Faced with the loss of strategic areas, Tshisekedi would have no choice but to accept renewed peace negotiations, even if deep down he still harbors resentment.

This is reminiscent of the period when the cities of Goma and Bukavu fell to M23 fighters. At the time, the international community made it clear to President Tshisekedi that he had no choice but to concede, compelling him to send envoys to negotiations in Washington and Doha.

Back then, Tshisekedi had vowed never to engage in talks with M23, branding it a terrorist movement and declaring that entering into dialogue with the group was a 'red line' he would not cross.

AFC/M23 sets its sights on other major cities after capturing Goma and Bukavu.

Given his past actions, Tshisekedi is seen as someone who could withdraw from the ongoing negotiations, just as he did with the Nairobi talks.

IGIHE

Saudi Arabian financial news outlet Argaam reports that the MoU signed on September 17 is non-binding and will remain valid for five years. The agreement may be renewed, amended, or terminated by mutual written consent of the parties.

Under the agreement, the firm is expected to prepare a comprehensive implementation proposal covering technical, financial, and execution aspects of the project, which will be submitted to the relevant Rwandan authorities for approval.

At this stage, the company stressed that the financial impact of the MoU remains unknown.

The MoU is part of Al Kathiri’s broader strategy to expand into international markets and export modern construction technologies abroad.

The company, founded in 2016, specialises in advanced building systems and the manufacture of ready-mixed concrete products for the modern construction technology sector. Based in Riyadh, it works to provide solutions for energy-efficient and sustainable construction in alignment with Saudi Vision 2030.

This photo shows Mpazi modern village housing residents relocated from disaster-prone areas.

The company, founded in 2016, specialises in advanced building systems and the manufacture of ready-mixed concrete products for the modern construction technology sector.

Rania Umutoni

According to the ministry, a restoration specialist took the artifact and sold it to a silver jeweler she knew. The silver jeweler then sold it to a gold jeweler for 180,000 Egyptian pounds (about 3,735 U.S. dollars), who subsequently sold it for 194,000 Egyptian pounds to a gold smelter. The smelter melted the bracelet along with other jewelry before reshaping it.

The ministry said all four suspects confessed, and the money involved was seized. Legal action has been taken against them.

The Egyptian Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities reported the bracelet’s disappearance on Tuesday. The item belonged to King Amenemope, a pharaoh of ancient Egypt’s 21st Dynasty who ruled from 993 to 984 BC. The bracelet, decorated with a lapis lazuli bead, vanished from a safe in the conservation laboratory on the museum’s second floor.

In response, the antiquities ministry formed a special committee to review the lab’s artifacts and circulated a photo of the missing bracelet at Egypt’s airports, seaports, and land border crossings.

The EMC is the oldest archaeological museum in the Middle East, housing over 170,000 artefacts. It has the largest collection of pharaonic antiquities in the world, according to the museum’s official website.

Museums housing ancient artefacts are a vital pillar for attracting tourists and a significant source of foreign currency in Egypt.

A 3,000-year-old gold bracelet belonging to an ancient pharaoh, which disappeared from the Egyptian Museum in Cairo (EMC) earlier this month, was stolen and melted down, Egypt’s Interior Ministry said in a statement on Thursday.

Xinhua

In a televised statement aired by Houthi-run al-Masirah TV, the group’s military spokesman Yahya Sarea said the missile targeted a military target in the city of Jaffa (Tel Aviv), while the three drones hit targets in the city of Beer Sheva and the port city of Eilat.

“Eilat will remain under the continuous targeting of our military operations,” Sarea said.

Meanwhile, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) said in a statement that a drone hit a hotel in Eilat and damaged its gate, while the missile and other drones from Yemen were intercepted. No casualties were reported.

According to Israeli media, following the launch, air defense sirens were activated in large areas of central Israel, including the Tel Aviv metropolitan area, sending millions rushing to shelters.

The Houthis, who control much of northwestern Yemen, have launched attacks at Israel since the war in Gaza broke out in October 2023. Israel, in response, conducts retaliatory strikes on Houthi-held areas.

The Houthis say their attacks aim to show solidarity with Palestinians, demanding an end to the war and blockade in Gaza.

Yemen’s Houthi group said it launched a long-range “hypersonic ballistic missile” and three drones on three cities in Israel on Thursday night.

Xinhua

The decision by Nigerian educational authorities to teach Mandarin was a direct outcome of a recent curriculum review, Mandate Secretary for Education in Nigeria’s Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Danlami Hayyo said on Wednesday at the commissioning of a new “Chinese Corner” at the Government Secondary School in Nyanya, one of the two “Chinese Corners” introduced this week in the local secondary schools.

“In the recent review of our curriculum, the Chinese language was selected as one of the international languages to be taught in our senior secondary schools,” Hayyo said, adding that this demonstrates the FCT’s foresight in introducing the subject.

Mandarin will join Arabic and French as an optional foreign language course in Nigerian public senior secondary schools.

According to Mohammed Sani Ladan, director of the FCT Secondary Education Board, the 15 “Chinese Corners” established since 2013 in Nigerian schools have been far more than just physical spaces. “They are symbols of friendship and cooperation,” he said, noting that they also provide opportunities for students and teachers to learn Mandarin, access scholarships, and prepare for global engagement.

In separate interviews with Xinhua, school officials and students expressed appreciation for the initiative, emphasizing the immense opportunities the “Chinese Corners” would unlock, from teacher training to international scholarships.

Mojisola Akerele, principal of the Government Secondary School in Tudun Wada, told Xinhua that the new learning centers would enable students to acquaint themselves with the Chinese language through donated books and resources.

Speaking at the commissioning events, Yang Jianxing, cultural counselor of the Chinese Embassy in Nigeria, described the “Chinese Corners” as a “bridge narrowing the hearts of young people from the two countries.” He said that learning the Chinese language offers possibilities for Nigerian youth, from participating in economic and trade exchanges to furthering studies in Chinese universities.

Nigeria has added Chinese language courses to high school curriculum.

Xinhua