Author: admin

The judges, in their boundless wisdom, wrote: 'There are insufficient charges against Agathe Kanziga (Habyarimana) to show she could have been an accomplice to genocide' or that she could have participated in 'conspiracy to commit genocide.' And then, with a straight face, they concluded: 'To date, Agathe Kanziga appears not as the perpetrator of genocide, but as a victim of the terrorist attack' that killed her husband and relatives.

Seriously? The French court seems to have a flavor for tragic wit. To call Agathe Kanziga a 'victim' of the downing of her husband’s plane is like calling Joseph Goebbels a 'victim' of Adolf Hitler’s suicide, or Adolf Eichmann a 'victim' of Argentina’s warm climate in a summer. If this jurisdictional reasoning were not so laughable, it would almost be funny. But it is not comic—it is an insult to history, to truth, and to the bones of over a million slaughtered Tutsi.

Let us recall the 'scraps of paper' and uniforms of death. If the French judiciary had even a grain of historical curiosity, it would have turned its gaze toward one key date: November 15, 1992—in Ruhengeri town. That day, President Juvénal Habyarimana addressed a rally of his party, the National Republican Movement for Democracy and Development (MRND). His speech was one long outburst against the Arusha Peace Talks, especially the October 1992—protocol on power-sharing. The language he used is haunting—and damning.

On the Arusha Peace Agreements, he mocked: 'They keep telling us that peace has been signed in Arusha. But I ask you, my brothers and sisters, is peace a piece of paper? Can peace be written on a page? These so-called agreements from Arusha are nothing but scraps of paper. Peace is not made by signatures in a faraway place; peace is made here, among us, in Rwanda, with Rwandans.'

'Scraps of paper.' That was Habyarimana’s dislike for peace. That was his declaration that he had no intention of honoring the accords. And when he spoke of defending Rwanda against these 'scraps of paper,' he had no misconceptions about who his soldiers were: not the national army, not the constitution, not the law—but the Interahamwe.

Habyarimana declared: 'And when the time comes, if these people continue to provoke us, I will send for the Interahamwe and we shall come down together. The Interahamwe will stand firm for our cause, because they are the youth who defend our movement.'

This was not a president appealing to a political youth wing. This was a head of state announcing, in broad daylight, that his personal militia would defend him against the very idea of sharing power. He did not stop there.

'I want the Interahamwe to have their own uniforms. The party will provide them, so that when we are out in public, they are recognized and respected. They must be seen and known as the strength of our movement.'

Yes! He was talking about uniforms, visibility and status. He wanted them paraded not as criminals and thugs— but as an official arm of his rule. He unambiguously tied his political future to the Interahamwe: 'I know very well that the ones who will campaign for me the most, the ones who will defend me the most, are the Interahamwe, because we are together. They are my strength, they are your strength, they are the strength of Rwanda.'

Surely, 'the strength of Rwanda.' Rwanda, in Habyarimana’s wordlist, was not a nation of Tutsi and Hutu citizens but a fortress of Hutu Power, with the Interahamwe as its godparents. His speech in Ruhengeri was a declaration of war—not against the Arusha peace process, but against coexistence, against democracy, and against the Tutsi.

Enter the First Lady of death

Now, who was sitting immediately at his right-hand side during this rally? None other than Agathe Kanziga, the First Lady. And not in ordinary attire. She was the only high-ranking figure wearing the Interahamwe uniform.

Of course, the judges in Paris tell us that Agathe is a 'victim.' A widow. Portrayed as an unfortunate bystander to history. But picture the scene: the president roaring that the Interahamwe are the strength of Rwanda, that they will have uniforms, that they will march to defend him. And right there, to his right, is his wife, already in uniform. A living embodiment of his words. A mannequin of militancy and combativeness. Habyarimana’s bedmate turned billboard for genocide.

This was not a symbolic accident. This was a deliberate, frightening message: The First Lady herself consecrated the Interahamwe. She gave them social legitimacy, elite approval, and the aura of untouchable power. Agathe Kanziga was not merely attending a usual political rally—she was mobilizing. She was advertising. She was saying, 'This is not just the president’s militia; this is the family’s militia, the household’s soldiers of fortune, the Hutu nation’s militia.'

If the Interahamwe were the killing machine, then Agathe was its poster girl. One does not wear the uniform of genocidaires by mistake. One does not sit beside a man spitting venom against peace accords while dressed in the very costume of his militias and later claim to be nothing more than a 'victim.' Unless, of course, one is being tried in Paris.

Kanziga was the mobilizer in chief. The Interahamwe would later prove their 'strength of Rwanda' by hacking men, women, and children with machetes, by setting up roadblocks, by stuffing bodies in rivers. But the spirit of their violence was not born in 1994—it was rehearsed in 1992, when the president himself exalted them. And his wife, Agathe, clothed herself in their image.

The symbolism cannot be overstated. Her status as First Lady meant that her actions reverberated throughout the elite and down to the grassroots. When she donned that uniform, she was sending a message: 'I am with the killers. I am above the law. I am the law.'

And just a week after this rally—22 November 1992, another loyalist, Dr. Léon Mugesera, was inspired enough to declare publicly that the Tutsi would be sent back to Abyssinia through the River Nyabarongo. Words that would become a prophecy soaked in blood.

The significance and consequences of that Ruhengeri rally were immediate and bloody. Killings of Tutsi erupted in Gisenyi and Kibuye prefectures. Interahamwe did not wait for 1994—they sharpened their blades early, encouraged by the President’s speech and legitimized by the First Lady’s symbolic uniform.

At the same time, criminal fanatics of the Coalition for the Defence of the Republic (CDR) party openly attacked the Arusha peace talks, declaring them a betrayal of Rwanda. Their statements, saturated with venom of hatred, created an atmosphere where compromise became treason and where Tutsi extermination became patriotism. More shocking still, it is around this time—Colonel Theoneste Bagosora, openly declared that he was going to prepare for the apocalypse. And indeed, he did.

The symbolism of a First Lady in Interahamwe attire was the direct endorsement of these killers’ actions. The stage was set. The hate speeches were made. The uniforms were worn. The massacres followed. This was not mere rhetoric—it was mobilization in blood.

One cannot discuss this era without mentioning the creation of RTLM, the so-called 'radio of a thousand hills.' This was not just a media project; it was a weapon. Habyarimana himself and his in-law Felicien Kabuga were among its founding members, and the airwaves soon carried the poison of Hutu Power ideology into every home.

RTLM called for extermination with the same casual tone one might use to announce weather forecasts. And Agathe’s silence—her complicity—spoke volumes. She stood not as a grieving wife but as an active enabler of a genocidal orchestra where RTLM provided the soundtrack and the Interahamwe provided the dance.

Even her personal actions betray the narrative of 'victimhood.' When her husband’s plane was shot down in April 1994, Agathe did not stay to organize a dignified funeral for her husband or her brother Colonel Elie Sagatwa. No, she left immediately, boarding a French air force plane. She did not weep in Rwanda; she vanished into French protection. A heartless departure that linked her directly to the machine of genocide. Kanziga saw the death of her husband not as a personal tragedy requiring mourning, but as the opening act of the mass slaughter to come.

Judicial amnesia

But of course, this is France. The same France whose political and military elites indulged, armed, and diplomatically shielded the Habyarimana regime, then launched Operation Turquoise as a cover for genocidaires to escape into Zaire, now DR Congo. The same France that has hosted several genocidaires on its soil while dragging its feet on extradition requests. The same France where denial of the Holocaust will land you in prison but denial of the Genocide Against the Tutsi will earn you book contracts and polite debates on television.

And so, in this grand tradition of selective memory, French judges now declare Agathe a 'victim.' It is almost whimsical. After all, some French citizens who are friends of genocidaires insist that France was a 'victim' of circumstances in Rwanda. That their country merely tried to help, that its soldiers were misunderstood, that its intentions were noble. Victims all around! The only problem is the million dead Tutsi whose silence cannot be cross-examined.

Let us return to the judges’ own words: 'To date, Agathe Kanziga appears not as the perpetrator of genocide, but as a victim of the terrorist attack in which her husband, brother, and relatives were killed.' To grant her this status is to weaponize widowhood as a shield against complicity. Yes, her husband died in the downing of his plane—but so did over a million Rwandan Tutsis in the genocide that followed. Kanziga’s personal tragedy does not erase her political agency.

Was Agathe Kanziga sitting beside her husband in Interahamwe uniform in 1992 a 'victim' of the tailor who stitched the cloth? Was she a 'victim' of bad lighting that made her look militant? Was she a 'victim' of her husband’s script? This is the absurdity that Paris asks us to believe.

If the Interahamwe did not commit genocide, then perhaps Agathe is a victim. If the August 4, 1993 Arusha Peace Agreement was not sabotaged, then perhaps she is a victim. But history records otherwise. And survivors bear witness otherwise.

The dismissal of her case is more than a judicial decision—it is a performance. A performance of European justice, where genocide is a tragedy until it implicates European allies. Where widowhood is innocence, especially when the widow resides in Paris. Where evidence is insufficient when the accused is a well-connected octogenarian sipping wine in some French outskirts, but irresistible when the accused is an impoverished African refugee.

One marvels at what kind of evidence France would accept. A video of Agathe Kanziga distributing machetes, AK-47s or grenades at roadblocks? A selfie in front of mass graves? Perhaps even then, the judges would find 'insufficient charges,' noting that she looked exhausted and therefore was almost certainly a victim.

France may not judge Agathe Kanziga, but history will. Survivors will. And history will remember her not as a widow in mourning but as the First Lady of Interahamwe, the woman who gave her face, her status, and her authority to the machinery of genocide. History will recall that when her husband mocked peace as 'scraps of paper,' she was at his side, personifying the militia that would shred those scraps with machetes and hand grenades.

The court may dismiss her case, but it cannot dismiss the truth: she was there, in uniform, at the rally where genocide was rehearsed. She was not the victim of terror; she was terror in uniform.

In the end, this French ruling is itself a 'scrap of paper.' To survivors, it is worth no more than the Arusha Agreement was worth to Habyarimana. It is the judiciary’s way of saying that peace, justice, and accountability are optional when the accused is sheltered under the French flag. It is Paris performing once more its old François Mitterand’s era dance: absolve the killers, dismiss the victims, and pretend neutrality.

History already taught us what happens when leaders call accords 'scraps of paper.' The phrase has been an indication of destruction. We remember the German Kaiser dismissing Belgian neutrality as a 'scrap of paper' in 1914, unleashing the First World War, to Habyarimana contemptuous words at Arusha in 1992, unleashing rivers of blood. When MRND and CDR called peace a scrap, it is Tutsis who were shredded.

So let France celebrate its judicial cowardice. Let it crown Agathe a 'victim.' Survivors know better. History knows better. And Rwanda will never forget.

Farewell to French Justice

So here we are: Agathe Kanziga, the First Lady of Interahamwe, the woman in uniform at Ruhengeri, the enabler of RTLM, the cold-blooded widow who fled on a French plane without so much as an honorable funeral for her husband and brother—now transformed, courtesy of Paris, into a fragile, innocent 'victim.' It would be laughable if it were not drenched in blood.

One cannot help but imagine the French judges writing their verdict with a straight face, pausing only to drink their Bordeaux wine. 'Insufficient charges,' they murmur, as though genocide were a misplaced parking ticket. Perhaps they believe machetes need notarized receipts, or that RTLM broadcasts must be accompanied by sworn affidavits before they can count as evidence.

France, which criminalizes Holocaust denial, has become the spa resort of Tutsi genocide denial. Here, genocidaires enjoy croissants, trials drag on for decades, and widows of mass murderers are declared victims.

But history is not fooled. History has a longer memory than the archives of Paris. It remembers Agathe Kanziga in Interahamwe costume, remembers Gisenyi and Kibuye—1992-3 in flames, remembers Bagosora’s apocalypse, remembers the Nyabarongo prophecy, remembers the 'scraps of paper' that turned into shreds of lives.

French judges may dismiss her case, but history does not dismiss hers. The record is sealed not in legal documents but in graves, in testimonies, in scarred survivors. That is the final verdict, and it is irreversible.

Rwanda’s history has the truth. And that truth, unlike France’s rulings, will never be dismissed.

Former President Juvénal Habyarimana addressed a rally of his party, the National Republican Movement for Democracy and Development (MRND) on November 15, 1992, in Ruhengeri town. His wife, Agathe Kanziga sitting immediately at his right-hand side during this rally, was the only high-ranking figure wearing the Interahamwe uniform.

Tom Ndahiro

In 2024, Rwanda’s total imports were valued at $6.5 billion, more than double the $3.1 billion recorded in 2017. This sharp rise widened the trade deficit to $2.3 billion, underscoring the challenge of narrowing the gap between imports and exports.

Fuel remains by far the largest item on Rwanda’s import bill. In 2024, petroleum products worth $680 million entered the country, compared to $621 million the previous year — a 9.5 percent increase largely driven by rising global prices and growing domestic demand.

Rice was the second most imported commodity. Despite being widely grown in the country, imports surged to $317 million in 2024, up from $239 million the year before — a jump of nearly 33 percent.

According to official data, national rice demand stood at almost 597,000 tonnes, while domestic production was limited to just under 142,000 tonnes.

Farmers, however, remain optimistic about closing the gap. Jean Baptiste Bucyanayandi, president of a cooperative in Gisagara District’s Cyiri Marshland, said his members cultivate more than 250 hectares, producing around 1,000 tonnes annually.

The rice is processed at Gikonko Rice Factory for the local market. With improved seed varieties that mature within four to five months, he believes Rwanda has the potential to significantly scale up its production and eventually satisfy domestic demand.

Other essential goods also continue to weigh heavily on the import ledger. Sugar imports reached $238 million in 2024, up from $192 million the previous year. Cooking oils, particularly palm oil, accounted for $207 million, though this was a decline compared to $237 million in 2023. Motor vehicle imports were valued at $108 million, slightly down from $113 million, while cement purchases rose sharply to $94 million, up from $67 million.

Fish imports also increased, reaching $92 million in 2024, compared to $70 million of the previous year. The demand for electrical cables and equipment climbed to $85 million, up from $62 million.

Medical supplies and pharmaceuticals, meanwhile, registered a slight drop to $82 million from $91 million, and imports of electronic goods such as televisions and audio systems fell considerably, from $142 million in 2023 to $75 million in 2024.

Despite the reliance on these imports, Rwanda has set ambitious targets to expand exports. Government projections indicate that export revenues will more than double, rising from $3.5 billion in 2024 to $7.3 billion by 2029. At the same time, the ratio of exports to imports is expected to improve significantly, from 61 percent in 2023 to 77 percent in 2029.

Central to this plan is the Made in Rwanda policy, which aims to increase domestic manufacturing and promote local value addition. Authorities expect the value of exports to grow at an average annual rate of 13 percent, driven by investment in agro-processing, light manufacturing, and service industries.

Despite the reliance on imports, Rwanda has set ambitious targets to expand exports eith projections indicating that export revenues will more than double, rising from $3.5 billion in 2024 to $7.3 billion by 2029.

IGIHE

Eighty years ago, after 14 years of arduous struggle, the Chinese people achieved a hard-won victory in the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, with tens of millions of lives lost in the fighting for national liberation and independence. The victory also bore great significance in a global sense, as the China theater was of strategic importance to the victory of the World Anti-Fascist War. Today as we commemorate the historic milestone, it’s time for us to remember history, cherish peace and create a better future.

It is a victory of patriotism. In 1931, Japanese militarists blatantly staged the September 18 Incident (also known as the Mukden Incident), which unveiled the Chinese people’s 14-year-long struggle against the Japanese aggression, and the world’s anti-fascist fighting. Faced with barbarous invaders, the Chinese people were not daunted. The Community Party of China fought courageously on the front lines as the mainstay of the nation. Sons and daughters of the Chinese nation rose in unity to defend their homeland, with tremendous sacrifices of over 35 million casualties. During the war, more than 1.5 million Japanese troops were eliminated, accounting for 70% of Japanese casualties in WWII. The Chinese people were not only saving their own country, but also making indelible contributions to the world.

It’s a victory of peace. The defeat of fascism was not merely a military triumph but a victory for the ideals of peace and humanity. The war brought unprecedented devastation and untold suffering, claiming over 70 million lives across the globe. Its end in 1945 ushered in a new era of international cooperation, embodied in the establishment of the United Nations and its commitment to preventing such catastrophes from recurring. It has been 80 years since the end of the war, but the lesson remains crystal clear: peace is not an option, but a must for humanity.

It’s a victory of solidarity. The WWII could not be won without the consolidated efforts of the international community. Nations with different languages, skin colors, beliefs and political systems joined hands to defeat a common enemy. The Allied forces—China, the United States, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, France and many others in Asia, Europe, etc. — demonstrated that where unity strengthens, division weakens. The spirit of cooperation remains vital today as humanity confronts global challenges that require shared solutions.

Eighty years on, the world is undergoing major challenges unseen in a century, while the World Anti-fascist War stands as a hard lesson from history that humanity needs to learn.

History must be respected. The victory of the World Anti-Fascist War, along with its significance, is an indubitable historical fact. Yet, in some parts of the world, there is a disturbing trend of historical revisionism and nihilism, which attempts to downplay or even distort the nature of fascist aggression and atrocities. It’s an insult to those who perished. It will also undermine the foundation of peace. The international community should stay united to uphold the correct view of the history of WWII, defend the victorious outcomes, and the post-war international order underpinned by the United Nations.

Peace must be safeguarded. The horrors of war remind us that the key to settling conflicts and disputes never lies in violence and war, but in dialogue and negotiation. However, today’s world is not safe and sound. Wars are still raging on, claiming lives, hindering development and strangling hopes. China has adhered to a path of peaceful development and firmly opposed willful threat or use of force. China champions an equal and orderly multi-polar world, and universally beneficial and inclusive economic globalization. Under this context, China has initiated to establish the International Organization for Mediation to contribute to peaceful settlement of disputes. We welcome like-minded countries to join and together march toward a vision characterized by stability, fairness and prosperity.

Solidarity must be cemented. Following the devastation of WWII, the United Nations was born. Since then, the UN, featuring multilateralism and international cooperation, has played a pivotal role in promoting diplomacy and preventing a third world war. Eighty years into its inception, however, the UN faces new challenges. Unilateralism and power politics are sabotaging the UN-centered international system, creating division and confrontation. Moreover, nontraditional challenges, like climate change, pandemics, and inequality, pose threats to global development. History tells us that only by embracing solidarity can humanity prevail over difficulties. Everyone counts. China stands ready to join hands with Rwanda and all other nations to safeguard the authority of the United Nations and work in solidarity to build a community with a shared future for humanity.

Gao Wenqi is the Ambassador of the People’s Republic of China to Rwanda.

Gao Wenqi

“I urge the council to act without delay and authorize an international force, supported by the United Nations through logistical and operational backing, and predictable financing,” he told a Security Council meeting on Haiti.

Security measures must go hand-in-hand with increased pressure on those fueling the violence in Haiti. This includes an effective arms embargo, as well as a targeted expansion of sanctions against gang leaders, financiers, arms traffickers, and others connected to them, said Guterres.

Dorothy Shea, acting U.S. representative to the United Nations, said Thursday that her country and Panama are tabling a draft Security Council resolution on the establishment of a “Gang Suppression Force” and a UN Support Office.

She explained that the UN Support Office would ensure the mission has the tools at its disposal to fight the gangs and ensure that the Haitian state can meet the foundational needs of its people.

The next international force must be resourced to hold territory, secure infrastructure, and complement the Haitian National Police. In parallel, a comprehensive approach is required to disrupt gang financing, arms trafficking, and other illicit flows fueling instability, she said.

Currently, a Kenya-led Multinational Security Support (MSS) mission is deployed in Haiti. Although the MSS is endorsed by the Security Council, it is not a UN operation.

It remains unclear whether the proposed Gang Suppression Force will replace the MSS or will be built on it.

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Thursday asked the Security Council to authorize an international force for Haiti.

Xinhua

The commitment was announced on August 27, 2025, during a preparatory workshop for the 11th International Conference of the Rwanda Society of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (RSOG), which is set to convene more than 200 doctors from 15 countries.

Addressing RSOG members, Denis Gahizi, Head of Institutional Banking at BK, said the bank is ready to provide financial support to help doctors establish hospitals and other health-focused enterprises.

'Today we are here to join hands with you because while you are focused on safeguarding people’s health, we have a responsibility to support you with financing so that together we can continue driving the country’s development forward.' he said.

'The bank has come in as a partner to promote healthcare and to empower women working in this field. Whether one wants to build a hospital, purchase medical equipment, or invest in health-related businesses, BK is here to support those ambitions,' Gahizi added.

Kenneth Ruzindana, Secretary General of RSOG, emphasized that BK is a strong partner that not only helped organize the conference but also continues to support members in various ways.

'BK is a key partner because it has not only sponsored the organization of this conference but also supports many of our members by providing loans and services that help them advance professionally,' he stated.

Ruzindana further noted that RSOG members are eager to learn new knowledge and exchange experiences with other participants.

'This conference is a platform to share insights related to our profession, especially scientific exchanges aligned with our mission to improve the health of women and children. It will enhance the knowledge of our members and expose them to the latest developments in our field.'

Dr. Mireille Aimée Uwineza from King Faisal Hospital said the leadership training offered ahead of the conference would strengthen doctors’ confidence and ability to take on leadership roles.

'We came here for leadership training, which will help us become better physician leaders. In the past, most of us focused only on treatment and didn’t see leadership or decision-making positions as our role. But we have realized that they matter because they allow us to influence decisions and ensure that our goals as doctors are achieved,' she noted.

Kenneth Ruzindana, Secretary General of RSOG, highlighted Bank of Kigali as a major partner of the organization

Denis Gahizi, Head of Institutional Banking at BK, said the bank is ready to provide financial support to help doctors establish hospitals and other health-focused enterprises.

Doctors specializing in women’s health received training equipping them with effective leadership skills.

Dr. Mireille Aimée Uwineza from King Faisal Hospital said the leadership training offered ahead of the conference would strengthen doctors’ confidence and ability to take on leadership roles.

IGIHE

On August 28, 2025, RIC organized a training session for leaders from different faiths and denominations, focusing on the value of AI, how it can be used productively, and the potential risks it poses. The aim was to equip them with the knowledge to guide their congregations—particularly the youth—towards the responsible use of the technology.

RIC Chairperson and Archbishop of the Anglican Church of Rwanda, Dr. Laurent Mbanda, noted that AI can play a supportive role in evangelism by assisting with research, helping to prepare and refine sermons, and enhancing learning.

'Artificial Intelligence is increasingly being used today. It has an influence on churches, and people cannot simply ignore it because it is very useful. It is also beginning to change the way we live and work.' he said.

'It is a tool for learning, for research, and for providing accurate information. But we must also acknowledge that it can be misused—spreading harmful content, misleading youth, or providing false information. That is why we must understand both its benefits and its dangers, because we cannot run away from it,' he added

Dr. Mbanda urged religious leaders to familiarize themselves with AI so they can help their followers use it wisely: 'You can use AI to research the Bible and to prepare ways of teaching the Word of God, but we also need to apply our own discernment.'

He stressed that as technology continues to advance, churches should embrace it and use it responsibly. He pointed out that many churches now share sermons and messages on platforms such as YouTube, X, and Instagram, allowing them to reach wider audiences in a short time.

Julie Kandema, Deputy President of the Presbyterian Church in Rwanda (EPR), said faith leaders are ready to strengthen the use of AI in their work, confident that it will make evangelism easier.

'The whole world is moving toward AI, and religious institutions must also understand it. Many church leaders often dismiss such innovations as unnecessary, but AI also carries benefits. Learning about it helps us know how to use it properly in evangelism,' she noted.

She added that AI could also be applied in writing and composing songs for choirs, as well as in preparing different teaching materials.

Technology expert Dr. Mwangi Chege also reminded participants that AI can be highly beneficial if used well, but warned that it can also be misused—for instance, to discredit preachers through fabricated stories and false narratives. He encouraged churches to understand both the opportunities and risks of AI.

RIC Chairperson and Archbishop of the Anglican Church of Rwanda, Dr. Laurent Mbanda, noted that AI can play a supportive role in evangelism by assisting with research, helping to prepare and refine sermons, and enhancing learning.

On August 28, 2025, RIC organized a training session for leaders from different faiths and denominations, focusing on the value of AI, how it can be used productively, and the potential risks it poses.

Julie Kandema, Deputy President of the Presbyterian Church in Rwanda (EPR), said faith leaders are ready to strengthen the use of AI in their work, confident that it will make evangelism easier.

IGIHE

The meeting, held at Urugwiro Village in Kigali, came a day after Grandi also met with Congolese President Félix Tshisekedi in Kinshasa.

In a message posted on X following his talks with President Kagame, Grandi described the exchange as 'good,' noting Rwanda’s inclusive and forward-looking refugee policies and the opportunities presented by the Washington peace initiative signed in June between Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

'Solving issues related to refugees from DRC and Rwanda is one of them. UNHCR is ready to play its facilitating role,' he added.

According to the Office of the President, the talks focused on strengthening Rwanda—UNHCR collaboration, including Rwanda’s leading role in prioritising refugee protection, integration, and long-term solutions.

Grandi’s trip to Rwanda and the DRC was announced earlier in the week. On August 25, he wrote that ongoing political initiatives could provide an opportunity to end violence and forced displacement in eastern DRC 'if all actors cooperate,' pledging UNHCR’s readiness to contribute.

His visit follows a high-level tripartite ministerial meeting held in Addis Ababa on July 24, where Rwanda, the DRC, and UNHCR adopted a 2025—2026 Roadmap for Voluntary Repatriation and Reintegration.

The roadmap, agreed under the framework of the 2010 Tripartite Agreements, sets out concrete steps and timelines to facilitate the voluntary, safe, and dignified return of refugees.

The plan is seen as a cornerstone of post-conflict recovery, building on recent diplomatic milestones, including the Washington Peace Agreement between Rwanda and the DRC in June and the Doha Declaration of Principles signed in July between Kinshasa and the AFC/M23 rebel group.

Key provisions of the roadmap include expedited repatriation of Rwandan refugees from eastern DRC, improved coordination between Kigali, Kinshasa, and UNHCR, and stronger reintegration measures covering housing, education, healthcare, livelihoods, and civil documentation. Donor and partner support is also highlighted as vital to ensuring long-term recovery.

UNHCR has already begun implementing parts of the plan. On August 25, the agency repatriated 533 Rwandan refugees who had been held hostage by the FDLR militia, handing them over to Rwandan authorities.

Grandi’s ongoing consultations with regional leaders are expected to reinforce both humanitarian and diplomatic tracks, particularly in addressing challenges that continue to hinder voluntary returns and sustainable reintegration.

President Paul Kagame received UN High Commissioner for Refugees Filippo Grandi on Thursday, August 28, 2025, for talks on Rwanda’s refugee protection policies and regional peace efforts.

The meeting, held at Urugwiro Village in Kigali, came a day after Grandi also met with Congolese President Félix Tshisekedi in Kinshasa.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

Ujiri, a prominent voice in sport and youth empowerment, joins Muniba Mazari, a Pakistani advocate for inclusion and disability rights, in the latest cohort of influential leaders tasked with accelerating global progress on the 17 SDGs.

'The SDG Advocates play a vital role in inspiring global action and ambition to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals,' Guterres said. 'I am pleased to welcome Mr. Masai Ujiri and Ms. Muniba Mazari to this distinguished group of leaders.'

The SDG Advocates, chaired by Barbados Prime Minister Mia Mottley, bring together a diverse group of global leaders, from royalty and heads of foundations to business executives, entertainers, and activists.

Through his non-profit organisation Giants of Africa, Ujiri has long used basketball as a platform to inspire young people, break down barriers, and provide opportunities across the continent.

Most recently, the Giants of Africa festival was staged in Kigali, Rwanda, from July 26 to August 2 2025, bringing together 320 young athletes from 20 African nations. The festival was also a major public spectacle, drawing an estimated 20,000 spectators.

At the 2025 edition of Giants of Africa in Kigali, Masai Ujiri also unveiled Zaria Court, a state-of-the-art sports complex designed to promote youth development, gender equality, and community engagement.

Beyond providing a space for basketball and recreation, the facility is envisioned as a hub for education, leadership training, and social impact initiatives, directly contributing to several Sustainable Development Goals, including quality education, good health and well-being, and reduced inequalities.

Reflecting on his appointment, Ujiri said: 'Sport doesn’t just unite people — it breaks down barriers, builds hope, and transforms entire communities. Joining the SDG Advocates is a tremendous honour, and I’m excited to be part of a global movement that empowers youth and drives meaningful change around the world.'

Mazari, widely known as the 'Iron Lady of Pakistan,' has inspired millions through her personal journey and her tireless advocacy for disability rights, inclusion, and gender equality.

'Inclusion is not a privilege; it is a right. I am proud to be an SDG Advocate and to elevate the voices of those who are often unheard,' she said.

The Secretary-General praised the pair’s dedication and highlighted the importance of their work in advancing the SDGs, particularly in areas of youth empowerment, inclusion, and social transformation.

The SDG Advocates, chaired by Barbados Prime Minister Mia Mottley, bring together a diverse group of global leaders, from royalty and heads of foundations to business executives, entertainers, and activists.

Current members include Queen Mathilde of Belgium, Sheikha Moza bint Nasser of Qatar, Graça Machel, Jeffrey Sachs, Lilly Singh, and Microsoft President Brad Smith, among others.

United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres has appointed Masai Ujiri, Co-Founder of Giants of Africa and former Vice-Chairman and President of the Toronto Raptors, as one of two new Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) Advocates.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

The ruling was delivered on August 28, 2025, after the bench considered Ingabire’s application for release. She and her defense lawyer Gatera Gashabana, had argued that her initial 30-day remand order had expired without lawful extension.

On July 18, 2025, the same court had issued a remand order committing Ingabire to 30 days of provisional detention while investigations continued. By statutory calculation, that period ended on August 17, 2025.

Under Rwanda’s Code of Criminal Procedure, a person placed in provisional detention may remain in custody for 30 days, subject to judicial extension. The law permits extensions of up to three months for serious crimes and up to six months for grave offenses. If no extension is granted within the time limit, the accused may petition for release.

Ingabire’s defense submitted that the Prosecution failed to comply with the deadline, since it filed its case on August 18 — one day after the expiration of the 30-day order. On this basis, they requested her immediate release.

The Prosecution countered that its filing was within time, arguing that August 17 fell on a Sunday, a non-working day, and therefore the statutory period lawfully extended to the next working day, Monday, August 18.

In its ruling, the Kicukiro Primary Court considered two issues: whether the Prosecution had filed out of time, and whether Ingabire should be released from custody. The court found that the final day of the 30-day detention was indeed August 17, but that filing on August 18 complied with procedural requirements, as it was the next lawful working day.

On those grounds, the court rejected Ingabire’s application and upheld her remand, ordering that she remain in pre-trial detention. The case has since been referred for further proceedings before the competent judicial body.

Ingabire faces multiple charges, including forming an armed group, incitement to insurrection, undermining state authority, dissemination of false information intended to discredit the Government of Rwanda abroad, spreading rumors, conspiracy to endanger state security, and organizing unauthorized demonstrations.

The Kicukiro Primary Court has upheld the decision to keep Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza in custody pending trial on charges that include attempting to overthrow the Government of Rwanda.

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The migrants arrived in mid-August and are being housed with support from an international organisation, while the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and local social services are monitoring their welfare.

Government spokesperson Yolande Makolo said the group had undergone vetting before relocation. Of the seven, four have opted to begin a new life in Rwanda, while the rest have shown interest in eventually returning to their countries of origin. Their nationalities were not disclosed.

“Regardless of their specific needs, all of these individuals will receive appropriate support and protection from the Rwandan government,” Makolo said.

The migration agreement, concluded in June, provides for Rwanda to host up to 250 migrants transferred from the United States, with the possibility of expanding that number following further negotiations. The migrants are not required to remain in Rwanda permanently and may relocate to other countries if they choose.

Rwanda retains the authority to decide who is eligible for relocation. Those accepted will be supported with job training, healthcare services, and accommodation to ease their integration. Individuals currently serving prison terms in the U.S., or those with convictions for child-related offences, are excluded from the scheme.

In a past statement, Makolo noted that Rwanda’s willingness to take part stems from its history of displacement and commitment to reintegration.

'Rwanda has agreed with the United States to accept up to 250 migrants, in part because nearly every Rwandan family has experienced the hardships of displacement, and our societal values are founded on reintegration and rehabilitation.'

Government spokesperson Yolande Makolo said the group had undergone vetting before relocation.

IGIHE