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Mudiamvita made this admission during a visit to the Uvira territory in South Kivu province, aimed at boosting the morale of soldiers and local militia members fighting against AFC/M23.

Congolese soldiers and local militias in Uvira are largely composed of those who had fled when AFC/M23 took control of the city of Bukavu on February 16, just two weeks after capturing Goma, another key city in the region.

Since AFC/M23 took control of Bunagana town in North Kivu province in June 2022, the DRC military has explained to the Congolese people that their retreat was strategic, allowing them to regroup and prepare to reclaim lost territories.

Mudiamvita was questioned about the frequent claims by the DRC military that they were retreating for strategic reasons, only to lose further ground. He explained that the root cause was the poor living conditions of the soldiers.

“If soldiers are not given adequate resources and are living in poor conditions, what results can you expect from them? The blame lies with politics. That is why we are to improve the situation,” he stated.

Military budget increase

As the conflict in eastern DRC worsened, the government decided to significantly increase the military budget. Last year, the government allocated $19.5 billion over five years to the military and other security sectors, amounting to $3.8 billion per year.

In 2023, the government raised the military budget by 300%, increasing it from $330 million in 2022 to $1 billion. This increase has been largely used to purchase modern military equipment, including fighter jets, refurbish military infrastructure, and train new soldiers.

However, soldiers—especially those on the front lines—have complained about low salaries and delayed payments. Reports indicate that some of the funds sent from Kinshasa never reached the eastern region, as senior officers allegedly pocketed the money instead.

Last month, the DRC government announced an increase in the basic salary of soldiers to $500 per month. However, there is little confidence that the increase will be properly distributed, as many believe corrupt officials will continue to divert the funds.

Many leaders in the DRC are known for their dishonesty, and when an opportunity arises, they exploit the system for personal gain. Mudiamvita himself has been accused of similar actions.

Mining industry leaders in the former Katanga province recently revealed that when Mudiamvita became Minister of Defense, he and his colleagues quickly took control of some of the region’s mining operations.

One of them said, “We wondered where the money went, but the answer is simple: everyone comes to Lubumbashi and Kolwezi to fend for themselves. Ministers always come to our provinces to take their envelopes… they don’t come to help us; they come to defend themselves.”

Although Mudiamvita acknowledges that politicians play a significant role in the DRC military’s defeats, the junior soldiers have paid the price. Many of them have been imprisoned since early 2022 for deserting the battlefield.

These junior soldiers have been tried in various courts in North and South Kivu provinces and have been sentenced to death for desertion.

Some of the Congolese soldiers who fled to Rwanda in January 2025 after the fall of Goma to M23 rebel group.

The Minister of Defense of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Guy Kabombo Mudiamvita, has admitted that the government played a role in the defeat of its military forces by the AFC/M23 alliance.

IGIHE

The high-stakes meeting had been billed as the first formal engagement between Kinshasa and the M23 since the rebel group seized control of Goma and Bukavu, the two largest cities in eastern Congo.

Though no official reason has been given for the delay, sources from both camps indicated that invitations for the session had not been dispatched as of Monday.

A Congolese official attributed the postponement to logistical challenges, saying, 'It’s simply a matter of organization.'

However, behind the scenes, the delay appears more politically charged. The rebel alliance has issued a list of six preconditions it insists must be met by President Félix Tshisekedi’s government before entering any meaningful negotiations.

The demands include a public declaration from President Tshisekedi showing commitment to direct talks, the repeal of restrictive parliamentary resolutions, the cancellation of death sentences and arrest warrants for AFC/M23 leaders, the release of alleged sympathizers detained based on ethnicity or association, and an end to hate speech and discriminatory practices against Swahili and Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese. The rebels also want a formal bilateral ceasefire agreement signed before talks proceed.

The talks were arranged following a surprise meeting in Doha between President Félix Tshisekedi and Rwandan President Paul Kagame, mediated by Qatari Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani. During the meeting, the two leaders agreed on the need for a ceasefire and urged Congolese factions to pursue dialogue.

The meeting took place against the backdrop of Tshisekedi’s claims that Rwanda is supporting M23’s offensive in the east. Rwanda has consistently denied these allegations, insisting that its primary concern is the continued presence of the FDLR in the DRC. Rwanda maintains that the militia group, linked to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, poses a significant threat to Rwanda’s security due to its genocidal ideology.

Just two days before the Kagame—Tshisekedi meeting in Doha, AFC/M23 rebels had withdrawn from planned talks with Kinshasa in Angola, in protest against international sanctions imposed on members of the group.

The M23, which now controls nearly half of Eastern Congo, had been advancing rapidly towards Kisangani—the country’s third-largest city—until the Qatari-brokered ceasefire halted their movement.

The rebel leadership, including Corneille Nangaa (AFC President), Bertrand Bisimwa (M23 Political Head), and Major General Sultani Makenga (Military Commander), are currently facing death sentences issued in absentia by a Congolese military court.

The government has placed bounties of up to $5 million on their capture, with an additional $4 million reward for their alleged accomplices.

Justice Minister Constant Mutamba defended the rewards in March, calling the rebel leaders “fugitives guilty of treason and war crimes.”

But Nangaa, speaking from an undisclosed location believed to be within rebel-held North Kivu, dismissed the move as an act of desperation.

'This so-called trial and the baseless punishments are a clear sign of a regime gripped by panic and on the verge of collapse,' he said.

It remains to be seen whether Tshisekedi’s administration will heed the rebel alliance’s demands and pave the way for direct talks aimed at silencing the guns in eastern DRC for good.

Bertrand Bisimwa, M23’s political leader and Corneille Nangaa, the leader of a political-military coalition, Alliance Fleuve Congo (AFC) during a press conference in Goma on Thursday, January 30, 2025.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

Sources within the country’s political and business circles say Angeline used her influence to orchestrate the arrest of Rwandan businessman Dushimimana Protais, the head of Dupro International Trade Company (DITCO), an oil import firm that recently beat Prestige in a government fuel procurement deal.

Dushimimana’s company had secured contracts to supply fuel to various government ministries, a move that placed him at odds with Prestige, which had been struggling to recover from an earlier setback involving the detention of its fuel shipments in Tanzania due to tax evasion allegations.

According to insiders in Gitega, Dushimimana was arrested in early 2025 and is currently being held at the overcrowded Mpimba Central Prison in Bujumbura alongside his lawyer, Ciza Felicien.

Neither of the two has been granted access to a court hearing, with their release reportedly hinging on direct orders from the First Family.

The Rwandan businessman is accused of playing a role in the blockage of Prestige’s fuel shipments from Bahrain—an accusation some believe is being used to justify his detention and eliminate him from the competition.

Observers say this move has further exacerbated Burundi’s fuel crisis, as one of the few functioning suppliers has now been silenced. Prestige, meanwhile, is reportedly positioning itself as the sole fuel importer, tightening Angeline Ndayishimiye’s grip on the country’s critical energy sector.

Fuel prices in the country have skyrocketed—now five times higher than previous levels—forcing many Burundians to resort to black market purchases.

Daily life has become unpredictable, with the state petroleum company, SOPEBU, posting last-minute fuel distribution lists on X. Vehicle owners face strict rations, with taxis limited to just 20 litres of fuel per week.

Frustration is mounting. 'You post the list at 3 p.m. while we’ve spent the whole day queuing at the wrong station. How is this fair?' one of the consumers vented.

Anger is also growing toward President Ndayishimiye and his family, who are increasingly seen as enriching themselves at the expense of a nation that ranks among the five poorest in the world, with a GDP per capita of just $193. Critics argue that the First Family’s alleged attempts to monopolize strategic sectors like oil are worsening the plight of Burundians.

'Corruption and the misappropriation of public funds are at the root of this crisis,' said Patrick Nkurunziza, leader of the opposition coalition Burundi Bwa Bose, in an interview with AFP.

'These odious practices are so deeply embedded in the current political system that any effort to reverse them is almost futile.'

Despite regularly presenting themselves as pious figures—often seen giving public sermons—President Évariste Ndayishimiye and his wife now face growing scrutiny over the stark contrast between their religious image and their actions, which many see as exploitative and self-serving.

There are growing fears that the First Family’s actions to silence business rivals could deepen instability, cripple the energy sector, and dash any remaining hopes of recovery for millions of Burundians.

Sources within Burundi’s political and business circles indicate that First Lady Angeline Ndayishimiye used her influence to orchestrate the arrest of Rwandan businessman Dushimimana Protais, the head of Dupro International Trade Company (DITCO), an oil import firm that recently beat Prestige in a government fuel procurement deal.

IGIHE

His arrest came as a shock to many who had begun to believe he would never be found. As Rwandans often say, 'A thief has only 40 days', his time had finally run out.

Rwanda’s then-Minister of Justice, Johnson Busingye, said that Kabuga’s arrest was a great relief and a major milestone. 'Having been on the run for 26 years, this shows that you can run, but you can’t hide forever. People had started to think he’d never be caught,' he said.

Despite the initial celebration, Kabuga’s trial soon became a highly unusual legal case. He was the only Rwandan to be tried by the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals (IRMCT) in The Hague. Others were tried earlier in Arusha, before that tribunal closed.

During the three years before the trial was suspended in 2023, the proceedings were filled with unprecedented events. Kabuga’s trial was not business as usual, nor a mockery, but it was full of legal and procedural complexities.

A highly unusual trial

Kabuga’s courtroom appearances were limited to only 90 minutes per session, unlike other defendants who could sit through full-day hearings. His trial was scheduled three times a week, also unlike the intensive daily trials others faced. Due to reported health issues, Kabuga often attended via videoconference.

Five medical experts assessed him and concluded that he was not fit to stand trial. In September 2023, based on their report, the court formally suspended proceedings against him.

Kabuga became the first accused to be released from trial obligations due to health-related unfitness.This decision deeply disappointed many Rwandans, especially Genocide survivors, who had hoped for justice and accountability.

Kabuga’s courtroom appearances were limited to only 90 minutes per session, unlike other defendants who could sit through full-day hearings.

A billion-franc debt to the UN

Another astonishing aspect of Kabuga’s case is that he became the first Rwandan tried at the UN level to owe the organization money. Initially, Kabuga claimed he couldn’t afford a lawyer and was appointed French attorney Emmanuel Altit.

However, the court later opened an investigation into Kabuga’s finances and found he had enough means to cover the cost of his defense.

His eldest son, Donatien Nshimyumuremyi, unintentionally revealed this in a press statement on September 22, 2022, saying his father had substantial wealth and could hire any lawyer he wished. The court followed up, requesting detailed information about Kabuga’s assets.

On October 18, 2022, his son provided the requested information. A year later, in October 2023, the court concluded that Kabuga indeed had the capacity to pay back the $1,184,500 (approx. Rwf 1.7 billion) in legal fees and trial preparation costs.

Assets were identified in France, the UK, Belgium, Kenya, and Rwanda, including bank accounts, properties, and other valuables. Although exact figures remain confidential, the court confirmed that Kabuga had sufficient resources to pay the full amount.

Asset freezing and international cooperation

The court moved to freeze his known assets across the four countries. However, collecting the funds has proven difficult due to legal procedures in each country. Some governments have been slow to cooperate.

Additionally, even after the court ruled him unfit for trial, Kabuga remains detained in The Hague. Two countries declined to accept him on their soil, citing his role as a major architect of the Genocide against the Tutsi.

Though the court has not yet ruled out extraditing him to Rwanda, medical experts claim his condition makes such travel unsafe.

As of now, Kabuga is in legal limbo, neither standing trial due to illness, nor released, as no country is willing to accept him. It’s reminiscent of the biblical curse on Cain. 'Now you are under a curse and driven from the ground… you will be a restless wanderer on the earth.'

Félicien Kabuga, considered one of the key financiers of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, was arrested in France in 2020 after evading justice for 26 years.

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He shared his reflections during the 31st commemoration of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, held on April 7, 2025, by Rwandans and friends of Rwanda in the United States.

Wilkens highlighted Rwanda’s extraordinary efforts to seek its own solutions for justice and healing, pointing to community-based initiatives like Gacaca courts that were instrumental in fostering reconciliation in a deeply divided society.

'Gacaca and other conflict resolution methods focused on understanding the consequences of what happened and its impact, so that citizens could collectively engage in the healing process. It was not about revenge or retribution,' he said.

Wilkens emphasized the accountability shown by many Rwandans and how it demonstrated a national resolve to transform.

At the event, Troy Fitrell, representing the U.S. State Department, expressed his country’s commitment to supporting Rwanda’s pursuit of justice and warned against the dangers of genocide denial and hate speech.

'We reject any and all efforts to distort history for political gain. Specifically, we fully denounce any attempts to deny or downplay the Genocide against the Tutsi,' he stated.

He called on those who spread hateful rhetoric to redirect their efforts toward promoting peace rather than sowing division and inciting violence.

The 31st commemoration of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi was held on April 7, 2025 by Rwandans and friends of Rwanda in the United States.

Immaculée Ilibagiza, a survivor of the genocide, gave a personal testimony and emphasized the importance of forgiveness.

'Since surviving the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, I’ve made it my mission to remind people that hatred is dangerous. I am living proof that where love is absent, people will torture and kill their neighbors. That’s where discrimination begins,' she said.

Nicole Karekezi, President of IBUKA-USA, stressed the importance of using the correct terminology when referring to the genocide.

'It is the Genocide against the Tutsi in 1994, as recognized by the United Nations. It’s not 'violence in Africa,’ nor 'ethnic conflict,’ and certainly not 'genocide against Tutsi, Hutu, and Twa.’ Such mislabeling distorts the truth and reopens our wounds,' she asserted.

Rwanda’s Ambassador to the U.S., Mathilde Mukantabana, noted that remembering the genocide againt the Tutsi is a responsibility for all humanity, not just survivors.

Meanwhile, U.S. Congressman Tim Welberg commended Rwanda’s development as a symbol of hope, forgiveness, and resilience.

Commemoration activities for the 31st anniversary of the Genocide against the Tutsi will continue in various U.S. cities, organized in collaboration between Rwandan communities and friends of Rwanda.

Carl Wilkens is the only American who remained in Rwanda during the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.

A member of the United States Congress, Tim Welberg, spoke about how the Genocide was intended to completely wipe out the Tutsi had it not been God’s intervention.

Immaculée Ilibagiza, a survivor of the genocide, gave a personal testimony and emphasized the importance of forgiveness.

Nicole Karekezi, President of IBUKA-USA, stressed the importance of using the correct terminology when referring to the genocide.

Troy Fitrell, representing the U.S. State Department, expressed his country’s commitment to supporting Rwanda’s pursuit of justice and warned against the dangers of genocide denial and hate speech.

IGIHE

The accusations stem from revelations that the suspect, 58-year-old Ryan Wesley Routh, had reportedly tried to obtain advanced military weapons from Ukraine in preparation for an attack on Trump.

In a post on X on Tuesday, April 8, Trump Jr. blasted Kyiv for failing to alert U.S. authorities about Routh’s attempt to source weapons through contacts he believed were tied to Ukraine’s military.

'If you think it’s bad that Ukraine never said thank you for everything the United States has done for them,' Trump Jr. wrote, 'the fact that they seemingly did not tell us that this sociopath literally tried to buy arms from them to assassinate my father seems like a much bigger deal. Wonder why?!?'

Court documents made public this week reveal that Routh, a convicted felon and pro-Ukraine activist, was arrested near Trump’s Mar-a-Lago resort in Florida in September 2024. Authorities say he was carrying a rifle and had previously attempted to obtain a rocket-propelled grenade launcher and a Stinger missile from a source he believed had access to Ukraine’s arsenal.

According to filings by the U.S. Department of Justice, Routh used encrypted messaging apps to contact what he thought was a Ukrainian weapons supplier.

In one of the messages, he allegedly stated, 'I need the equipment so that Trump don’t get elected,' suggesting clear intent to use the weapons for political violence.

Despite his failure to join the Ukrainian military in 2022, Routh remained involved in activities connected to the conflict, including efforts to recruit former Afghan soldiers to fight for Ukraine.

U.S. prosecutors claim he viewed the wartime chaos as an opportunity to acquire heavy weapons discreetly, telling his contact that “one missing [weapon] would not be noticed.”

Routh never received the arms he sought and was apprehended shortly after his last known attempt to secure the weapons. He currently remains in custody and faces a possible life sentence if convicted. His trial is scheduled for later this year.

Ukrainian military officials have acknowledged that Routh made multiple efforts to enlist, but they deny any official connection to him. The Ukrainian government has not responded publicly to Trump Jr.’s accusations of a cover-up.

The incident is linked to one of two assassination attempts on Donald Trump during the 2024 election cycle. The more widely known attempt occurred in July at a campaign rally in Butler, Pennsylvania, where a rooftop gunman opened fire, injuring Trump and killing a supporter. The assailant, 20-year-old Thomas Matthew Crooks, was killed by Secret Service agents on the scene.

US President Donald Trump and Donald Trump Jr. at a past event. Trump Jr. on Tuesday accused Ukrainian authorities of concealing critical information related to an alleged plot to assassinate his father during the 2024 presidential campaign.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

Although the tariffs have had a negative influence on Russia, it has not been directly affected by them. The reason for this is that numerous U.S. anti-Russia economic sanctions introduced since 2014 have already reduced bilateral trade to almost nothing.

Washington still buys some fertilizers and platinum from Moscow, but these purchases are not critically important for the U.S. economy and do not directly challenge U.S. local producers.

Though Moscow has a trade surplus with Washington, this surplus is negligible compared to the total $1.2 trillion trade deficit.

One could add that Cuba, Belarus, and the DPRK were excluded from the new tariff lists, and Iran got the lowest tariff increase of 10 percent, which was only half of the tariff hike imposed by the U.S. administration on the EU.

None of the above-mentioned established adversaries of the U.S. has many economic ties to America; all of them are long-term victims of U.S. unilateral sanctions, and they are now in an arguably comfortable position watching the incipient U.S.-launched trade war from the back benches.

Many such backbenchers are observing mounting strains in relations between the United States and its closest allies and partners. The so-called collective West is crumbling literally in front of their eyes and this crumbling clearly serves Russia’s immediate political interests.

However, there are reasons for strategists in Moscow to be concerned about more remote implications of the recent U.S. tariff decisions.

The precise impact of these decisions on the global economy is still hard to predict; but in the worst-case scenario, we could record a rise of global inflation, a significant slowdown in economic growth worldwide and even a new global recession followed by higher unemployment and a decline in real incomes across the world.

Responding to demonstrative U.S. unilateralism, major economic actors might be forced to focus on regional rather than global trade chains or to shift their attention to expanding their domestic rather than foreign markets.

Triumphal protectionism would limit the appetite and capabilities of major actors to work together in addressing common risks and challenges from climate change to artificial intelligence governance.

U.S. President Donald Trump arrives to speak during an event to announce new tariffs in the White House in Washington.

If such a scenario becomes reality, it will affect everybody, including Russia. For example, global demand for Russia’s commodities will decline, its energy and raw materials exports will start shrinking, and domestic economic growth will eventually go down due to growing trade deficits, depreciation of national currency, and higher inflation.

Suppose Moscow can count on short-term geopolitical gains caused by the emerging transatlantic rift. In that case, it also has to consider potential mid- and long-term economic losses linked to numerous disruptions within the global economic system.

On top of that, one should not forget that U.S. President Donald Trump continuously threatens to impose further restrictive economic measures, such as new tariffs on Russian oil consumers, on Moscow if Russia does not properly engage in U.S.-mediated Ukraine ceasefire negotiations.

However, the new U.S. tariffs raise another, a more fundamental question. If a decision by one man can undermine economic stability in the whole world in such a profound way, and practically all economies of this world depend on just one sole country with highly volatile and even unpredictable trade policies, it means that there is something seriously wrong with how the modern world economic order is functioning. What kind of order is it, if it is so easy to disrupt?

The world simply depends too much on U.S. markets, national currencies and U.S.-led financial institutions and trade practices. This abnormal dependence is not healthy even for America itself, not to mention its trading partners and competitors that are becoming hostages to arbitrary decisions made in the White House.

Can the world overcome this asymmetrical dependence overnight? Of course, it cannot. However, as Medvedev pointed out, “old trade chains will be broken, but new ones will emerge.”

There are many ways to gradually mitigate the asymmetrical dependence, expanding multilateral trade within such groups as BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, introducing new international payment systems, enhancing the role of the World Trade Organization, promoting regional integration projects and so on.

However, none of these ways is easy; none offers magic solutions to the very complicated problems of the global economy and finance.

The road ahead will be bumpy, with many twists and potholes along the way. And yet, as Winston Churchill said during the darkest days of World War II, “never let a good crisis go to waste.”

The author is a special commentator on current affairs for CGTN and academic director of the Moscow-based Russian International Affairs Council. The article reflects the author’s opinions and not necessarily those of IGIHE.

A scene in Vladivostok, Russia.

Andrey Kortunov

Dated April 8, 2025, the letter follows the Rwandan government’s decision to sever diplomatic and cooperative ties with Belgium, citing the country’s continued promotion of propaganda intended to isolate Rwanda from its partners.

The decision also references a directive issued on March 27, 2025, by the Rwanda Governance Board (RGB), which prohibits both local and international non-governmental organizations (NGOs), particularly those rooted in faith or public interest, from engaging in any cooperation with the Belgian government or its affiliated institutions.

'We advise you to begin preparing all necessary arrangements to transition to a different educational system for the 2025—2026 academic year,' the letter reads in part.

The ministry assured the school of its continued support throughout the transition process as it detaches from the Belgian educational model.

École Belge de Kigali has operated in Rwanda since 1965. In 2018, the school moved from Kiyovu in central Kigali to Gisozi Sector, Gasabo District, in line with Kigali’s master urban plan.

In the 2022/2023 academic year, the school had more than 500 students and 45 teachers. The École Belge network also operates in Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and Morocco.

The March 27 announcement from RGB further emphasized that no financial aid, donations, support, or funding from the Belgian government or its affiliated institutions would be permitted in Rwanda.

This includes budgetary support, project funding, technical assistance, and indirect financial contributions channeled through partner organizations. The governance agency warned that any entity violating these directives would face serious consequences.

Among the penalties outlined are suspension or revocation of operational permits, in accordance with laws governing NGOs, religious organizations, and other institutions. Additional administrative actions could be taken against any organization found to be in breach of these new regulations.

In 2018, the school moved from Kiyovu in central Kigali to Gisozi Sector, Gasabo District, in line with Kigali’s master urban plan.

École Belge de Kigali has operated in Rwanda since 1965.

IGIHE

Kabila confirmed the decision to Jeune Afrique on April 8, 2025, stating. 'After six years of complete retreat, one year in exile, and in light of the escalating security crisis, I have decided to return to the DRC without delay, in order to play a role in seeking a solution,' he said

He specified that he would return via the country’s eastern region because 'there are dangers at home.' However, he did not clarify whether he would pass through Katanga or areas currently controlled by the AFC/M23 coalition.

Kabila explained that his decision to return came after consultations with several heads of state, former presidents, political actors in the country, and international organizations. This announcement comes after a period marked by signs of Kabila reemerging into the political scene and regaining media attention.

In December 2024, he met with opposition leaders Moïse Katumbi and Claudel Lubaya in Addis Ababa. In February 2025, he broke a six-year silence by publishing an article in the Sunday Times, focusing specifically on the security and governance crises plaguing his country.

Kabila has frequently voiced criticism of his successor, Félix Tshisekedi, accusing him of being the root cause of the country’s current troubles. He had not returned to the DRC since December 2023, when he discreetly left the country, avoiding the general elections.

He resurfaced in January 2024 in South Africa, where he had enrolled in a postgraduate program at the University of Johannesburg. Since then, he has also been seen in neighboring countries like Namibia and Zimbabwe.

In March 2025, Kabila announced he had been forced to suspend his studies due to the worsening security situation in eastern DRC.

'I had to put my studies on hold two or three months ago in order to make time for what’s happening back home,' he told a Namibian media outlet.

Meanwhile, the DRC’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Thérèse Kayikwamba Wagner, recently stated that the Congolese government does not require Joseph Kabila’s involvement in resolving the security crisis in the eastern part of the country.

Kabila did not clarify whether he would pass through Katanga or areas currently controlled by the AFC/M23 coalition.

IGIHE

The conflict in eastern DRC has persisted for nearly three decades. Tensions escalated between Rwanda and DRC, with the latter accusing Rwanda of supporting the M23 rebel group in its fight against the Congolese army—an allegation that Kigali has vehemently denied.

Rwanda, in turn, accuses DRC of collaborating with the FDLR terrorist group, which is composed of individuals responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi and has launched multiple attacks on Rwandan soil over the years.

The peace process took a step forward when DRC President Félix Tshisekedi and President Kagame met in Doha on March 18 to discuss potential solutions.

After his meeting with President Kagame, Massad outlined the vision for a closer partnership, emphasizing regional stability, peace, and economic development.

'We support the security and territorial integrity of all states in this region. There are many American companies already invested in Rwanda. The government of Rwanda has a vision of being an economic leader and has a society ready to drive this vision forward,' he noted.

'We are ready to work with Rwanda to achieve this goal, which is why finding a resolution to the conflict in eastern DRC is so essential as it will unlock the region’s untapped potential. During our discussions, President Kagame committed to pursuing this vision of peace,' Massad added.

Massad also reiterated the United States’ commitment to resolving the crisis in eastern DRC.

'I can confirm and I can affirm that the United States also remains committed to this effort and is ready to facilitate an end to the conflict, obviously a peaceful end to this conflict, an end that allows countries to secure their borders and lays the foundation for a thriving regional economy,' he stated.

'[…] This particular conflict in question has gone on for close to three decades. It’s about time to see an end, a peaceful end to it. The people of this region, of the Great Lakes, of DRC, of Rwanda, of the Great Lakes generally deserve better. We’ve lost, we’ve seen the losses of hundreds of thousands of lives, millions of displaced, and people have suffered for too long. It’s about time to end it,' he concluded.

Boulos’s visit to Kigali follows his discussions with Presidents Felix Tshisekedi of DRC, William Ruto of Kenya, and Yoweri Museveni of Uganda as part of his diplomatic mission to Africa.

Massad Boulos, the United States Senior Advisor for Africa, who has been on a diplomatic tour across the Great Lakes region, expressed his country’s readiness to play an active role in finding a lasting solution to the ongoing crisis in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

Théophile Niyitegeka