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Beneath its rolling hills lies a wealth of minerals that have become critical to the country’s economic ambitions.

The nation is endowed with high-value minerals, including Wolfram, Cassiterite, and Coltan—essential components in the production of aerospace equipment, military technology, and consumer electronics.

These minerals are in high demand globally, positioning Rwanda as a key player in the supply chain of strategic raw materials.

Mining has long been a cornerstone of Rwanda’s economic development, and today, the sector is expanding rapidly.

Annual mineral production ranges between 8,000 and 10,000 tons, and with the government’s push for modernization and investment, the industry continues to attract both local and international stakeholders.

A visit to several mining sites across the country provides a glimpse into the scale of these operations, where mining companies are extracting and refining minerals to meet both local and international demand.

Among the many licensed mining operations, several sites stand out in terms of production and employment.

The Nyakabingo mine in Rulindo, the Rukaragata mine in Ngororero, the Mwurire-Nzige-Rubona mines in Rwamagana, and the Bashyamba mine in Nyarugenge collectively produce around 2,000 tons of minerals annually.

These operations employ nearly 5,000 workers, supporting thousands of families and making mining one of the most impactful industries in the country.

A sector driven by investment and innovation

Mining in Rwanda is capital-intensive, with investors injecting millions of dollars into exploration, machinery, and infrastructure to improve efficiency.

Trinity Metals, which operates the Nyakabingo mine, has invested over $40 million in its operations, while Power M, which runs the Rukaragata site, has allocated significant resources to mechanizing its processes.

With a combination of surface and underground mining techniques, these companies are ensuring that Rwanda’s mineral reserves remain productive for decades to come.

Studies indicate that, if managed efficiently, these deposits could sustain mining activities for at least 50 years.

The growth of the sector is not only benefiting investors but also transforming the lives of workers.

For many miners, the industry has provided financial stability and opportunities to improve their standard of living.

Twizerimana Jean Claude, a miner at the Bashyamba site, shared how his work has enabled him to build a future.

“When I started working here, I earned Frw 94,000 in my first week. The following week, I was paid Frw 114,000. In two weeks, my lowest pay was Frw 190,000. When mining conditions are good, I can earn up to Frw 800,000 in 15 days,” he said.

Similarly, Yankurije Betty, who has worked at the Rukaragata mine for seven years, described how mining has helped her achieve financial independence.

“In these seven years, I have achieved so much. Before, I had no money, but now I pay for my children’s education, built a house, bought two cows, and acquired land worth Frw 600,000,” she explained.

Economic contribution

The impact of mining extends beyond individual workers to the national economy. According to the Rwanda Mining Board, mineral exports generated over $1.1 billion in 2023, marking a 43% increase from the previous year.

The National Institute of Statistics of Rwanda further reported that as of January 2025, mineral output had risen by 4.3% compared to the same period in 2024.

Despite Rwanda’s established mineral wealth, external claims have occasionally questioned the country’s reserves, suggesting that significant mineral deposits lie just beyond its borders.

However, geological research strongly disputes this. Ray Power, a British investor and owner of Power M in Ngororero, as well as Power Resources International, a coltan refinery in Bugesera, dismissed these claims.

According to him, minerals do not have borders given that the region shares the same geological characteristics.

He further revealed that a 600-meter section of his mining site contains deposits that could be extracted for the next 16 years using modern techniques.

The Kibaran-Angolan Belt, a mineral-rich geological formation, runs through Rwanda, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Angola, Zambia, and the Central African Republic, further confirming the country’s resource potential.

Donat Nsengumuremyi, the Division Manager of the Mining Extraction and Inspection Division at the Rwanda Mining Board, reinforced this point.

“Rwanda has abundant mineral resources because it is situated within the Kibaran Belt, right at its core. If we are at the center, that means we have significant deposits. There is still a long way to go in terms of exploration,” he said.

He also noted that while Rwanda has made remarkable progress in mining, the sector is still in its early stages of deep exploration.

“Unlike other countries that have drilled up to two kilometers deep, Rwanda has yet to reach even one kilometer in depth,” he added.

Investing in research and mineral processing

To ensure sustainable growth, Rwanda has invested in mining education and research. Since 2015, the University of Rwanda has expanded its mining program, increasing the number of trained geologists and mining engineers.

These efforts have been critical in ensuring compliance with environmental and safety regulations while optimizing production processes.

Beyond tin, tungsten, and tantalum, Rwanda is also home to gold, lithium, gemstones, and sapphire, particularly in the Western Province.

Ongoing studies continue to map and quantify these resources, further solidifying Rwanda’s standing in the global mining industry.

A major focus for Rwanda is increasing local mineral processing capacity. The government aims to refine 80% of extracted minerals domestically by 2029, up from the current 40%.

This shift is expected to reduce reliance on raw mineral exports while strengthening the country’s industrial sector.

Investments in key refineries such as Gasabo Gold Refinery, LuNa Smelter, and Power Resources International Ltd are already improving Rwanda’s ability to process gold, tin, and coltan.

In addition, a three-year geological survey is underway to assess high-potential mining areas, with a focus on lithium, gold, cassiterite, and coltan—minerals that are highly sought after in global markets.

With continued investment and strategic policy improvements, Rwanda aims to increase the mining sector’s contribution to the economy to $2.2 billion by 2029.

IGIHE

Speaking candidly on The Long Form podcast about the ethnic violence that shaped his youth and the resilience that propelled him forward, Dr. Biruta offered a rare glimpse into the experiences that forged his commitment to a unified and stable Rwanda.

Born in 1958 in Rulindo District, Dr. Biruta was just a year old when the 1959 violence against the Tutsi ethnic community erupted, setting the stage for decades of sectarian strife.

Reflecting on his childhood, the former Minister of Foreign Affairs recalled, 'As a young child, I heard my parents and visitors talk about violent events: destroyed properties, relatives in exile. It made me aware that I was growing up in an unstable, unsafe environment. You understood you were a target for violence.'

This early awareness planted the seeds of a political consciousness that would later define his career.

The turning point came in 1973 when, at age 15, Dr. Biruta was expelled from Kabgayi Seminary, where he was attending secondary school, during the ethnic purges.

'We were expelled on April 15, I believe,' he recounted. 'I went home, planning to go into exile in Zaire on July 6. But on July 5, the borders closed due to a curfew, so I couldn’t leave.'

The thwarted escape—narrowly averted by chance—kept him in Rwanda, where he later returned to school despite the odds.

'I was fortunate to be accepted back, though I had to repeat a year. Not everyone was so lucky,' he added, underscoring the precariousness of those times.

His pursuit of education faced steep hurdles due to Rwanda’s discriminatory policies against Tutsis. 'Discrimination limited Tutsi access to public schools,' he explained.

At Kabgayi Seminary, the Catholic Church provided an alternative.

'I didn’t necessarily want to be a priest—it was my only chance at secondary education. I took exams for both public schools and seminaries to maximize my chances.'

The Church sought bright students, and Dr. Biruta qualified: 'If you met academic and Christian criteria, you could get in. I was fortunate to be accepted.'

After surviving the 1973 expulsion, he graduated from secondary school in 1978 and applied to the National University of Rwanda’s Faculty of Medicine.

'Medical school wasn’t the most popular choice—it was tough, six years with four terms annually, unlike law or economics, which were shorter and led to better-paying jobs,' he said.

'But they selected the best science students from secondary schools. I was lucky to be accepted.'

His motivation was both practical and idealistic: 'I’d wanted to be a doctor since I was young… by a desire to serve the community and work independently, not reliant on government goodwill. The 1973 events also lingered; I thought medicine would help me integrate if I went into exile.'

Dr. Biruta graduated in September 1984, but even then, discrimination persisted. 'The best graduates were typically selected as assistants at the university hospital, with opportunities for specialization. Despite qualifying, I and other Tutsi colleagues were sidelined and sent elsewhere,' he recounted.

Assigned to Byumba Hospital, he began his career as a doctor, later rising to director of Ruhengeri District Hospital in 1988.

The 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi once again put his survival instincts to the test. Living in Kigali’s Kimihurura neighbourhood near the parliament, Dr. Biruta narrowly escaped death and was ultimately rescued by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), which ended the genocide and liberated the country from the genocidal government.

'I was rescued on April 8 by RPF soldiers,' he said. 'They came to our houses—I recognized them and opened the gate.' The rescue came amid chaos, just days after the genocide began.

'They weren’t looking only for me; they were saving people in that area,' he clarified.

'We stayed at parliament, later moving to Byumba at the war’s end.'

Reflecting on his survival, he remarked, 'I was not arrested in 1990, I managed to relocate from Ruhengeri on February 6, 1993, two days before an RPF attack, and I was at home when the plane of President Habyarimana went down. It’s just fortune.'

His family, too, was spared, though he kept his fears private: 'You don’t show your children you’re anxious… but I’d tell my wife, 'X, Y, Z have been arrested. If I’m taken, know where the money and food are, and move.’'

After the liberation of the country, he played a pivotal role in rebuilding Rwanda’s health system and the PSD, eventually rising to its presidency in 2001.

'We identified surviving members uninvolved in the genocide, formed a political bureau, and rebuilt,' he noted, highlighting the painstaking effort to restore both party and nation.

Today, as a cabinet minister and party leader, Dr. Biruta balances immense responsibilities with a quiet pragmatism.

'You have to find time for all these aspects, prioritizing what the country has entrusted you with,' he said of his dual roles.

Defending Rwanda’s consensus-driven governance model against critics who call it a one-party state, he argued, 'Our constitution… reflects our history and culture—not the U.S. or Norway. Results—like development—prove it works.'

Looking ahead, Dr. Biruta remains optimistic yet vigilant. 'I’m excited by Rwanda’s development path—achieving more, faster,' he said, though he cautioned, 'I worry about our region—conflicts and leadership challenges could slow us.'

His story, from a child marked by violence to a leader shaping Rwanda’s future, embodies resilience and purpose—a narrative he hopes will inspire the nation’s youth.

Watch the full interview on The Long Form Podcast below:

Wycliffe Nyamasege

This decision was part of the resolutions from the 173rd General Assembly of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of Rwanda, which took place from March 11 to March 14, 2025.

The meeting brought together various bishops and was led by Antoine Cardinal Kambanda, the Archbishop of Kigali and President of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of Rwanda. It was attended by bishops from all nine Catholic dioceses in the country.

During the assembly, the bishops discussed several issues, including the closure of churches across the country due to non-compliance with government regulations. They also reviewed the new directives issued by the Rwanda Governance Board (RGB) concerning faith-based organizations.

Additionally, the meeting addressed the restructuring of the commissions and services of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference, along with other important matters affecting the Church.

Following discussions on the closure of churches, the bishops noted that some have remained closed for seven months despite having fulfilled the necessary requirements. They resolved to once again appeal to the relevant authorities to allow these churches to reopen.

Furthermore, they committed to continued dialogue with government institutions to ensure a better understanding and implementation of the new regulations governing religious organizations.

The Catholic Church’s request aligns with similar concerns raised by other religious denominations operating in Rwanda. Many churches, mosques, and other places of worship that were previously shut down have expressed frustration, stating that they have met the required standards but remain closed.

This issue was also highlighted by Sheikh Mussa Sindayigaya, the Mufti of Rwanda and Vice President of the Rwanda Interfaith Council (RIC), during a public meeting with President Paul Kagame at BK Arena on Sunday, March 16, 2025.

Sheikh Sindayigaya requested the President to consider reopening places of worship that now comply with government regulations, emphasizing that religious institutions should be allowed to operate if they meet the necessary requirements.

In August 2024, the Rwanda Governance Board (RGB) revealed that out of the more than 13,000 places of worship that underwent inspections, approximately 59.3% were shut down for failing to meet compliance standards.

As 2025 progresses, various religious organizations have made it a priority to ensure that their closed places of worship meet the required criteria so they can resume their activities.

The Catholic Church in Rwanda has announced plans to formally request the government to reopen churches that were previously closed but have since met the necessary requirements.

IGIHE

His government, backed by a patchwork of forces including the Congolese army, FDLR Genocidal militia, Burundian troops, European mercenaries, the SADC military force, and even MONUSCO peacekeepers, has suffered defeat after defeat.

The numbers are staggering. Nearly three times the size of Belgium has fallen under M23’s control. Over four billion dollars have been spent on military operations.

More than seven thousand troops and militia fighters aligned with the government have been killed. After all this, Tshisekedi is now doing what he swore he never would. He is talking to the M23.

From the beginning, Tshisekedi miscalculated his moves. He placed all his hopes on a miracle military solution that never existed. He ignored peace efforts, dismissed negotiations, and instead built a coalition of foreign forces to fight M23.

But no amount of weapons, troops, or alliances could compensate for the fundamental weakness of the Congolese army. The forces he relied on were riddled with corruption, poor training, and a complete lack of leadership.

He believed Burundian troops would turn the tide. They did not. He trusted South Africans would make a difference. They did not. He sought European mercenaries, MONUSCO, and now SADC forces. None of them succeeded.

Instead, his military strategy collapsed spectacularly. Despite being better equipped than ever, the Congolese army remains disorganized, unreliable, and incapable of holding territory. M23, with far fewer fighters, has outmaneuvered, outgunned, and outstrategized his coalition at every turn.

For years, Tshisekedi refused to engage in serious peace talks. Instead, he tried to rally international support against Rwanda, using lobbyists to push Western nations, particularly the United States, to back his anti-M23 campaign.

Recently, he even tried to recruit Chad into the conflict, offering mineral deals in exchange for military support. But with battlefield realities becoming impossible to ignore, he now has no choice but to negotiate. The big question is whether these talks can be trusted.

Tshisekedi has spent three years avoiding peace efforts and branding M23 as terrorists unworthy of dialogue. Now, suddenly, he is at the table. His history suggests this may not be a genuine effort for peace but rather a tactic to buy time. It could be just another pause before yet another military gamble.

The cost of a lost war

After three years of war, Tshisekedi is back to where he started, but at a much higher cost. Massive territorial losses have put key areas under M23’s control and the DRC army’s incompetence is now globally recognized.

Billions of dollars that could have been used to rebuild the country have instead been wasted on a losing war. Tens of thousands of people have died, including government troops, militia fighters, and innocent civilians. The government now enters negotiations from a position of complete weakness.

Had Tshisekedi pursued diplomacy from the beginning, much of this destruction could have been avoided. Instead, he chose war, believing in an impossible victory that never came.

Now, with his back against the wall, he must negotiate. The real question is whether he will do so with sincerity or if this is just another chapter in a cycle of failed leadership, false promises, and endless conflicts.

President Félix Tshisekedi has finally bowed down and accepted negotiations with the M23 rebels after many years of defiance.

Kalisa Ngabe

According to a statement the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Rwanda’s decision has been communicated to Belgium and taken after careful consideration of several factors, all linked with Belgium’s pitiful attempts to sustain its neocolonial delusions.

The statement, which marks a significant diplomatic rupture, further states that Belgium has 'consistently undermined Rwanda, both well before and during the ongoing conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC),' accusing the former colonial power of taking a biased stance in regional affairs.

Rwanda’s government also accused Belgium of actively working against its interests on multiple fronts, particularly regarding the situation in the DRC.

'Belgium has clearly taken sides in a regional conflict and continues to systematically mobilize against Rwanda in different forums, using lies and manipulation to secure an unjustified hostile opinion of Rwanda, in an attempt to destabilize both Rwanda and the region,' the statement read.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs also highlighted Belgium’s historical role in fueling ethnic divisions in Rwanda, stating: 'Beyond Belgium’s destructive historical role in fueling the ethnic extremism that resulted in entrenched discrimination and persecution, and ultimately the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, it has also allowed Belgian territory to be used by groups that propagate genocide denial and sustain genocidal ideology.'

Following this decision, all Belgian diplomats in Rwanda have been given 48 hours to leave the country. The Rwandan government affirmed that, in accordance with the Vienna Convention, it will ensure the protection of the Belgian embassy’s premises, property, and archives in Kigali.

'This decision reflects Rwanda’s commitment to safeguarding our national interests and the dignity of Rwandans, as well as upholding the principles of sovereignty, peace, and mutual respect,' the ministry stated.

Shortly after Rwanda’s decision, Belgium’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, Maxime Prevot took to X to announce that Belgium will reciprocate with similar measures.

This photo shows premises of Belgium’s embassy in Kigali.

Théophile Niyitegeka

In a statement, the group’s spokesperson, Lawrence Kanyuka, confirmed their participation, stating that the delegation would depart for the Angolan capital on Monday, March 17, ahead of talks scheduled for the following day.

“The Congo River Alliance (AFC/M23) informs the public that it is sending, this Monday, March 17, 2025, a delegation of five people to Luanda, capital of Angola, to take part in direct dialogue at the request of the Angolan authorities,” the statement read.

Kanyuka also expressed gratitude to Angolan President João Lourenço for his “tireless efforts” to mediate a peaceful resolution to the conflict.

The Congolese government has also confirmed that its delegation will participate in the talks on Tuesday.

The meeting marks a turning point in the ongoing crisis, as President Félix Tshisekedi, who has previously refused to engage directly with M23, appears to be shifting his stance. The decision to enter negotiations comes after a series of military setbacks and increasing pressure from regional leaders and international bodies.

Angola has played a central role in facilitating dialogue, urging both parties to observe a ceasefire ahead of the talks.

Earlier, President Lourenço emphasized that “the ceasefire must include all possible hostile actions against the civilian population and the occupation of new positions.”

Despite previous ceasefire agreements frequently being violated, the Angolan government affirms that it’s committed to brokering a lasting peace.

The conflict in eastern DRC has escalated significantly in recent months, with M23 capturing key cities, including Goma and Bukavu.

The conflict stems from what the rebels term as long-standing ethnic persecution against Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese.

The group has long criticized previous peace processes in Nairobi and Luanda, arguing that they were excluded from key decisions.

The upcoming dialogue presents the first formal opportunity for the rebel group to engage directly with the Kinshasa government and address their demands.

Bertrand Bisimwa, M23’s political leader and Corneille Nangaa, the leader of a political-military coalition, Alliance Fleuve Congo (AFC) during a press conference in Goma on Thursday, January 30, 2025. The group has dispatched a five-member delegation to participate in peace talks with Kinshasa in Angola on March 18, 2025.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

This follows the Southern African Development Community (SADC) decision to terminate its military mission in the conflict-ridden eastern DRC and commence a phased withdrawal.

The decision to pull the plug on the mission was reached during a virtual Extraordinary Summit of Heads of State and Government, chaired by Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa, on March 13, 2025.

The summit focused on the deteriorating security situation in eastern DRC, where SADC troops had been deployed since December 2023 to support the Congolese army in its battle against the M23 rebel group.

The Joint Standing Committee on Defence, co-chaired by Malusi Gigaba and Phiroane Phala, welcomed the withdrawal decision, particularly in light of the loss of 14 SANDF soldiers in the mission.

However, they emphasised the need for clarity on the logistical aspects of the withdrawal, the security implications for troops remaining under the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO), and measures to ensure the safe return of military equipment.

'We will schedule an urgent meeting to obtain the envisioned phased plan of action for implementing the withdrawal,' a statement issued by the Parliament Communications Services on behalf of the co-chairs of the Joint Standing Committee on Defence, Malusi Gigaba and Phiroane Phala, reads in part.

'This meeting must also address the implications for soldiers remaining part of MONUSCO and assess the security risks involved.'

The committee termed the termination of the mission as a constructive step toward addressing the conflict in eastern Congo through diplomatic and political solutions.

The co-chairs affirm that SADC’s commitment to supporting alternative interventions, in coordination with the East African Community (EAC), demonstrates the bloc’s dedication to lasting peace in the region.

'The recommitment by SADC Heads of State to merge the Luanda and Nairobi peace processes reaffirms our belief that dialogue should be at the centre of efforts to resolve the DRC conflict,' the statement added.

'Achieving peace and stability in eastern DRC is a precondition for economic growth and development, not only for the DRC but for the entire region.'

Since SAMIDRC’s deployment, the mission has faced operational hurdles, including battlefield casualties.

Apart from the 14 South African soldiers killed, two Malawian and two Tanzanian soldiers also lost their lives during clashes that led to the capture of Goma in January. Many others sustained injuries, raising questions about the mission’s sustainability.

The decision to withdraw the troops coincides with peace talks between the DRC government and M23 rebels, set to begin in Angola on March 18, in what is seen as a crucial step toward resolving the long-running conflict.

The M23 and AFC rebel alliance accuse the Congolese government of poor governance and decades of persecution of the minority Kinyarwanda-speaking communities.

SADC troops have been deployed in eastern Congo since December 2023 to support the Congolese army in its battle against the M23 rebel group.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

Angola previously stated that direct peace negotiations between the DRC government and M23 rebels would begin in the capital, Luanda, on March 18.

President Felix Tshisekedi, who has long refused dialogue with M23, has been reconsidering his stance following a series of military setbacks and waning regional support.

“At this stage, we can’t say who will make up the delegation,” said presidential spokesperson Tina Salama.

M23 acknowledged receiving Angola’s invitation, but its spokesperson, Lawrence Kanyuka, did not confirm whether the group would participate.

Following the announcement of the talks, M23 issued several demands, including a request for President Tshisekedi to publicly commit to direct negotiations.

Angola has been working to mediate a ceasefire and ease tensions between the DRC and Rwanda, which has been accused of backing the Tutsi-led rebel group-a charge Rwanda denies.

The conflict in eastern DRC, which has persisted for decades, stems from the aftermath of Rwanda’s 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi and the ongoing battle for control of the region’s vast mineral wealth.

The situation has significantly deteriorated this year, with M23 gaining territory it had never previously controlled, including strategic cities and numerous smaller localities.

The Congolese government reports that at least 7,000 people have been killed since January, while the United Nations estimates that at least 600,000 have been displaced since November.

Angolan President João Lourenço urged all parties to cease hostilities from midnight to facilitate the negotiations.

“The ceasefire must include all possible hostile actions against the civilian population and the occupation of new positions,” Lourenço said in a statement. However, ceasefire agreements have frequently been violated by both the DRC and M23.

President Felix Tshisekedi, who has long refused dialogue with M23, has been reconsidering his stance following a series of military setbacks and waning regional support.

IGIHE

The Houthis initially said they launched 18 missiles and a drone at the “aircraft carrier USS Harry Truman and its accompanying warships” in the Red Sea, before hours later claiming to have fired a second round.

There was no immediate comment from the United States about the Houthis’ claimed attacks. In a statement posted to Telegram on Monday, a Huthi spokesperson said the attacks on the carrier group were “in retaliation to the continued American aggression against our country”.

Washington has vowed to keep striking Yemen until the rebels stop attacking Red Sea shipping, with President Donald Trump warning he will use “overwhelming lethal force”.

The Huthi health ministry said women and children were among the 53 people killed and 98 wounded in US strikes on Saturday.

Huthi media reported more explosions on Sunday night, accusing the Americans of targeting a cotton ginning factory in the western region of Hodeida as well as the Galaxy Leader, an Israeli ship captured more than a year ago.

Houthi leader Abdulmalik al-Houthi called on Yemenis to march on Monday in defiance. In response to the latest escalation along the maritime trade route, the United Nations has urged both sides to “cease all military activity”.

The Iran-backed Houthis, who control much of the Arabian Peninsula’s poorest country, have attacked Israel and Red Sea shipping throughout the Gaza war, claiming to be acting in solidarity with Palestinians.

Before this weekend’s targeting of the US carrier group, the Houthis had not claimed attacks in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden since January 19, when a ceasefire began in the Gaza Strip.

Yemen’s Houthi rebels claimed on Monday to have twice attacked an American aircraft carrier group within 24 hours, calling it retaliation for deadly US strikes.

The group said it relaunched its attacks over Israel’s halting of humanitarian aid to Gaza, and would “move to additional escalatory options” if “the American aggression against our country continues”.

Washington’s weekend strikes against the Houthis were the first since Trump’s return to the White House in January. US National Security Advisor Michael Waltz told ABC News that Saturday’s strikes “targetted multiple Houthi leaders and took them out”.

Trump meanwhile warned the Houthis that “hell will rain down upon you”. In a social media post addressed to Iran, the US president demanded the Islamic Republic stop supporting “Houthi terrorists”.

The US Central Command (CENTCOM) confirmed a “large scale operation” against the Houthis, which it said on Sunday night was continuing. Witnesses in Sanaa described experiencing a “horrific explosion” that shook houses and shattered windows.

Footage on Houthi media showed children, including a dazed girl with blackened legs wrapped in bandages, and a woman being treated in hospital. The Houthis have sealed off areas around the blast sites, however, making it impossible to gauge the true scale of the destruction.

The Nimitz-class aircraft carrier USS Harry S. Truman (CVN 75) in Souda Bay, Crete, Greece.

Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi condemned the deadly US strikes and said Washington had “no authority” to dictate Tehran’s foreign policy. The Houthis’ political bureau said its “forces are fully prepared to confront escalation with escalation”.

A database set up by ACLED, a non-profit monitor, shows 136 Houthi attacks against warships and commercial vessels, as well as Israeli and other targets since October 19, 2023.

While the Red Sea trade route normally carries about 12 percent of world shipping traffic, Houthi attacks have forced many companies into costly detours around southern Africa.

The Palestinian group Hamas, which has praised Houthi support, branded the US strikes “a stark violation of international law and an assault on the country’s sovereignty and stability”.

The head of Iran’s Revolutionary Guards, Hossein Salami, said: “Iran will not wage war, but if anyone threatens, it will give appropriate, decisive and conclusive responses.”

The United States had already launched several rounds of strikes on Houthi targets. Israel has also struck Yemen, most recently in December, after Houthi missile fire towards Israeli territory.

Fighting in Yemen’s own war has largely been on hold since a 2022 ceasefire, but the promised peace process has stalled in the face of the Huthi attacks on shipping.

The war killed hundreds of thousands either directly or indirectly through causes such as disease, plunging Yemen into one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises.

People inspecting the rubbles of areas hit by a US strike in Saada, Yemen, on March 16, 2025.

Houthi fighters.

IGIHE

Prof Janabi, a highly respected cardiologist and healthcare administrator, has played a pivotal role in shaping Tanzania’s medical landscape. His experience spans decades, including his tenure as the Director of Jakaya Kikwete Cardiac Institute and later as the Executive Director of Muhimbili National Hospital.

His contributions to healthcare, particularly in the fields of cardiology and institutional transformation, have earned him recognition beyond Tanzania’s borders.

Thus, the government of Tanzania, alongside key stakeholders in the health sector, has begun lobbying African nations to rally behind Prof Janabi.

The campaign has gained momentum across multiple platforms, with diplomatic efforts intensifying to garner regional support.

Tanzanian embassies in various African nations have been tasked with championing Prof Janabi’s credentials, while social media campaigns are amplifying his vision for a healthier Africa.

If elected, Prof Janabi would play a crucial role in shaping health policies, coordinating emergency responses, and driving innovative health solutions across the continent. His appointment would mark a significant milestone for Tanzania in global health leadership.

Prof. Mohammed Janabi, the Executive Director of Muhimbili National Hospital (MNH).

IGIHE