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Gilmore secured the win in a sprint finish, mirroring his triumph in Stage Two in Musanze.

This victory marks his second stage win in the Tour du Rwanda.

As a result, Rwanda, particularly Musanze and Rubavu, will always hold a special place in his memory as the locations where he celebrated his first professional victories.

Eric Manizabayo of Java-InovoTec was the highest-placed Rwandan, finishing ninth in Rubavu, just six seconds behind the winner.

The top seven riders, including yellow jersey holder Fabien Doubey, all completed the stage in 2 hours, 55 minutes, and 14 seconds.

Australian cyclist Brady Gilmore also claimed victory of stage 2.

Australian cyclist Brady Gilmore celebrating his victory as he crossed the finish in Rubavu.

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Agaba alleged that his property was vandalized by National Unity Platform (NUP) supporters, leaving his family homeless. He set himself ablaze while donning yellow attire accusing the NRM of neglecting their supporters.

Reports indicate that Agaba was pushed to the wall after being neglected by his party after his house was allegedly vandalized. It’s alleged that he has sought help from the NRM secretariat for over a year without help hence opting to take his life.

In videos makings rounds on social media, the man is seen covered in fire and later being helped by police officers and motorcycle riders who poured water on him to cool off the fire but sustained serious burn injuries.

Benjamin Agaba, has set himself on fire at the entrance of Uganda’s Parliament building.

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The centre was officially inaugurated on February 24, 2025, at INES-Ruhengeri, the center aims to help individuals understand and effectively exercise their rights, contributing to sustainable development.

Officially inaugurated on February 24, 2025, at INES-Ruhengeri, the center aims to help individuals understand and effectively exercise their rights, contributing to sustainable development.

The initiative was introduced by Dr. Nfor Nyambi, a law lecturer, in collaboration with INES-Ruhengeri.

He was inspired to establish the center after observing similar initiatives successfully operating in various African universities, particularly at the University of Pretoria.

Dr. Nyambi noted that, apart from existing centers at the University of Rwanda, there was a gap in other universities regarding dedicated human rights initiatives.

Consequently, INES-Ruhengeri took the lead in establishing CHRIS to advance human rights and sustainable development.

As the newly appointed Executive Director of CHRIS, Dr. Nyambi explained that the center will operate based on four main pillars: education and training, research, advocacy, and collaboration with civil society organizations.

Emphasizing that human rights are everyone’s responsibility, Dr. Nyambi highlighted CHRIS’s role in raising awareness and empowering citizens to understand and exercise their rights.

CHRIS consists of law students from INES-Ruhengeri who will engage in evidence-based research, conduct training sessions, and collaborate with various institutions to enhance human rights protection.

The center is expected to significantly contribute to improving the well-being of citizens and collaborating with the government on policy development related to human rights protection and preservation.

The Chairperson of the National Human Rights Commission, Umurungi Providence, expressed strong support for the initiative, describing it as a commendable effort with great potential to advance human rights advocacy.

She further stated that the center will enable young law students to play a crucial role in educating and promoting human rights awareness within Rwandan society.

Tim Nkurunziza, the head of the law students’ association at INES-Ruhengeri, emphasized that CHRIS will help students enhance their research skills and deepen their understanding of effective human rights advocacy.

The majority of CHRIS members are faculty and students from the law department at INES-Ruhengeri.

Additionally, CHRIS has an advisory committee composed of renowned human rights experts from Africa and beyond.

Among them are Prof. Antoinette Elia, a Spanish human rights specialist, and Me Felix Nkongo Agbobala, a prominent Cameroonian lawyer known for his work in human rights law, among others.

The centre was officially inaugurated on February 24, 2025.

Human rights experts shared their experiences with students at INES-Ruhengeri.

Michel Ndayambaje from ActionAid Rwanda also attended the launch of the Human Rights Center at INES-Ruhengeri.

The initiative was introduced by Dr. Nfor Nyambi, a law lecturer, in collaboration with INES-Ruhengeri.

The Executive Director of GER-Rwanda, Innocent Musore also joined the launch at INES-Ruhengeri.

The Rector of INES-Ruhengeri, Father Dr. Baribeshya Jean Bosco, emphasized that the newly established center is designed to enhance students’ understanding of human rights.

The Chairperson of the National Human Rights Commission, Umurungi Providence, expressed strong support for the initiative, describing it as a commendable effort with great potential to advance human rights advocacy.

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'We’re going to be selling a gold card,' Trump said from the Oval Office.

'You have a green card. This is a gold card. We’re going to be putting a price on that card of about $5 million, and that’s going to give you green card privileges, plus it’s going to be a route to citizenship. And wealthy people will be coming into our country by buying this card.'

Trump indicated that details about the scheme would be revealed in two weeks, with expectations that it could attract a large number of buyers.

When asked whether Russian oligarchs would be eligible to purchase the gold card, Trump responded: 'Yeah, possibly. I know some Russian oligarchs that are very nice people.'

Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick, appearing alongside Trump, confirmed that the new initiative would replace the EB-5 program, which currently grants green cards to foreign investors who invest in U.S. businesses that generate jobs.

'They’ll have to go through vetting, of course,' Lutnick said, 'to make sure they’re wonderful world-class global citizens.'

The EB-5 program, established by Congress in 1990, allows immigrants to obtain green cards by investing at least $1,050,000, or $800,000 in economically distressed areas, to stimulate job creation, according to the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS).

Trump and his family’s businesses have previously benefited from the EB-5 program to fund major property developments. However, the program has faced bipartisan scrutiny, with lawmakers criticizing it as being misused and in need of reform.

During his first term, the Trump administration attempted to increase the minimum investment threshold to $900,000 in targeted areas and $1.8 million in other locations, but a federal judge later overturned the change in 2021 due to procedural issues in its approval.

The EB-5 program was last renewed under President Joe Biden’s administration in 2022, with the investment thresholds adjusted to their current levels.

The proposed gold card program would mark a significant departure from the EB-5 framework by offering direct residency and a path to citizenship at a set price, a move likely to reignite debate over the role of wealth in U.S. immigration policy.

President Donald Trump has proposed replacing the existing EB-5 immigrant investor visa program with a new “gold card,” which would allow wealthy foreigners to live and work in the U.S. and provide a pathway to citizenship for a $5 million fee.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

The crash occurred near Wadi Seidna Air Base in Omdurman, one of the army’s key military hubs, shortly after takeoff.

According to a military statement, the Antonov aircraft suffered a technical malfunction that led to the disaster.

A crew of four, along with multiple officers and soldiers, lost their lives in the crash. At least five civilians were also among the casualties, bringing the total number of fatalities to at least 19, according to media reports.

Eyewitnesses reported hearing a loud explosion as the aircraft plummeted into a densely populated area, igniting a fire and damaging several residential buildings.

Residents in northern Omdurman also experienced power outages following the crash. The Karari Resistance Committee, a local volunteer network, confirmed that ten bodies and numerous injured individuals were taken to Al-Nao Hospital. Several survivors suffered severe burns.

The Sudanese army stated that emergency response teams successfully contained the fire at the crash site, while the injured were transported to medical facilities for treatment.

The crash comes amid escalating violence in Sudan’s ongoing conflict between the army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF). Just a day before the accident, the RSF claimed responsibility for downing a Russian-made Ilyushin aircraft in Nyala, South Darfur, allegedly destroying it with its crew on board.

Since April 2023, Sudan has been engulfed in a brutal power struggle between army chief Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan and RSF commander Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, former allies turned rivals.

The war has led to one of the worst humanitarian crises in recent history, with over 29,600 deaths and more than 15 million people displaced, according to the International Organization for Migration.

The crash occurred near Wadi Seidna Air Base in Omdurman, one of the army’s key military hubs, shortly after takeoff.

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The resolution ignored to focus on dealing with the root causes of the conflict, especially the existential threat posed by the Kinshasa government against Congolese Tutsi.

The UNSC calls for M23 to, 'immediately cease hostilities and withdraw from areas it controls, ” gives no explanation as to where they want M23 to go. These are Congolese, most of them with parents living as refugees in neighboring countries and beyond.

However, when the DR Congo representative during the UNSC session called the presence of M23 in its controlled areas as an, 'illegal occupation of DRC territory by the [Rwandan Defence Force] and their supporters,' it is clear that the DR Congo authorities do not recognize M23 as Congolese, but an invasion by Rwanda.

The Council’s one sided resolution therefore, which calls for withdrawal of M23, supports Kinshasa’s assertion that M23 are foreign terrorists who invaded their country.

This is a dangerous mistake by the UNSC that complicates rather than solving the eastern DRC crisis.

When the UNSC downplays the threat of hate speech, killing and cannibalization of Congolese Tutsi and ignores to condemn the Kinshasa government that publicly supports their extermination, it indicates that the UNSC by omission or design is an accomplice in the extermination agenda of the Congolese Tutsi in DR Congo.

In April, 2024, when the UN Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide Alice Wairimu Nderitu was in Rwanda for the 30th commemoration of genocide against the Tutsi, she warned that there are, 'risk factors for genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity' in eastern DR Congo.

Sadly, the world has not learned from the past. The UNSC did not see any urgency to heed Nderitu’s warning, and there was no Security Council session or resolution to deal with the threat, which raises suspicion on functionality of the UN system.

Instead, the UNSC and their UN Group of Experts wastes more time setting the narrative that the war in eastern DR Congo is about mineral resources. The 'ever Again' pledged in 1945, has been turned into a meaningless slogan. Greed, conspiracy, lies and double standards have ruled the world at the expense of truth, and humanness.

Contrary to UNSC condemnation of M23 as aggressors, the population in the rebel controlled areas received them with jubilation as liberators rather than 'terrorist aggressors.' The population has been guaranteed security against by protecting them from the killing of FADRC and its coalition.

If M23 withdraws from the controlled areas, it would be catastrophic because FARDC and its coalition will come back and wipe out the remaining Congolese Tutsi that the M23 is fighting to protect. The UN peacekeepers (MONUSCO) have been in the country for more than 30 years and have not been able to protect the Congolese Tutsi from being killed.

The UNSC made a positive contribution by urging Kinshasa and Kigali to return to diplomatic talks, through the Luanda and Nairobi processes, which had already been agreed on when the leaders of East African Community (EAC) and South African Development Community (SADC) met in Dar-es Salaam on February, 8, 2025.

For the UNSC to adopt a resolution on the eastern DR Congo crisis at a time African leaders who understand better what is going were in agreement on how to deal with the situation, it played out like a coup d’état against the African led initiative in finding a solution to the eastern DRC crisis.

Although the M23 agreed to hold talks, Tshisekedi has repeatedly said that as long as he is still in power, he will never negotiate with M23. Who will force Tshisekedi to a negotiating table, when the UNSC does not call Tshisekedi to order, but heaps blame on Rwanda and M23?

The narrative that the crisis in eastern DRC is about minerals is deceptive. Tom Burgis in his book, 'The Looting Machine,' clearly documents the real plunderers of DR Congo minerals. It is the western countries that have messed up Congo, which makes them hold Tshisekedi like a pampered child who can do anything and goes away with it.

In January, demonstrators supported by government officials, attacked several foreign embassies in Kinshasa, including France, Belgium, Rwanda, Kenya and Uganda. These acts were in breach of International law which decrees that embassies are 'inviolable, and Tsheisekedi was neither held accountable nor his ambassador abroad summoned.

The incorporation of genocidal FDLR in the DR Congo national army and use of European mercenaries, both violations of international law, were not condemned by the UNSC. DR Congo shelled Rwandan territory killing innocent civilians, yet the UNSC did not condemn the aggression.

The west does not want to hold DR Congo leadership accountable because they know where their bread is buttered. In the1940-1950s, the U.S was mining uranium at the Shinkolobwe mine in the Katanga province. The uranium used to make atomic bombs('little boy') that the United States dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki during World War II, was mined in Southern DR Congo at the Shinkolobwe mine.

Today, mining companies in DR Congo are from western capitals. The DR Congo is the world’s largest producer of cobalt, largely used in stability and performance of lithium-ion batteries, crucial for powering both EVs and mobile phones. These are not made in Rwanda, but in western countries. This is the reason why when you talk about Congo, western countries only hear about minerals, and the Congolese Tutsi who are left to die.

Despite DR Congo being endowed with deposits of minerals estimated in excess of U.S. $24 trillion, the country remains among the poorest in the world, with almost three in four people living on less than $1.90 per day! The west is interested in the mineral resources not in the well-being of Congolese.

The UN resolution does not come to solve the cause of the M23 rebellion, but to deal with the symptoms. It is one sided and pushes Kinshasa’s genocide agenda against Congolese Tutsi under the carpet. There was no mention of the hundreds of thousands of Congolese Kinyarwanda speaking people who have spent more than 30 years in refugee camps in Rwanda, Uganda, Kenya and other countries.

The valid conclusion is that Congo still belongs to the west while Tshisekedi is simply their untouchable custodian. The UNSC position on the crisis in eastern DR Congo should be an eye opener and reminder that the UN represents a new and modern day Berlin Conference concerned only by protecting their own interests.

The writer is a media consultant and former head of Media Development Department at Rwanda Governance Board.

Gerald Mbanda

In a statement shared on X, Nyombayire accused global actors of ignoring Rwanda’s long-standing calls for a political solution while enabling DRC’s leadership to evade accountability.

'Unlike what the international community will have you believe, the idea that a political solution is necessary to solve the conflict in Eastern DRC is far from new. It is what Rwanda has been calling for, for YEARS. It is exactly what President Tshisekedi has openly and REPEATEDLY refused to do. And we will not join you in pretending otherwise,' she wrote.

Nyombayire argued that the selective international outcry is not driven by genuine concern for the DRC but by a decades-old geopolitical calculation that disregards Rwandan lives.

'The underlying message of the selective outcry is not that there is a sudden genuine concern for the plight of a country that everyone knows is a failed state. The message is clear: the decision made 30 years ago—that the lives of Rwandans are expendable in the face of geopolitical interests—still stands today,' she stated.

Nyombayire accused the Congolese leadership of taking advantage of this dynamic, benefiting from international backing while continuing to recruit armed groups, including the FDLR, a militia responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.

'That is why the leadership of DRC is enjoying the perks of sharing the same interests as their masters: talk crazy, recruit genocidaires and European mercenaries to fight your wars, sit back, relax, and let the international community bury the real issue,' she wrote.

According to Nyombayire, those pushing for de-escalation are in fact advocating for a return to a system that allows DRC’s elite to profit while Rwanda faces ongoing security threats.

'What every resolution and statement is calling for is an immediate return to business as usual: a nation that must remain a lawless playground where leaders get their cut to go buy castles in Brussels, the international community thrives off the business of peacekeeping and poverty alleviation programs, and their companies protect their profits,' she asserted.

Highlighting the glaring double standards, she noted that the same countries backing DRC would never tolerate the kind of threats Rwanda has endured for decades.

The continued misrepresentation of the conflict, she argued, serves powerful interests rather than the people of either country.

'Every country throwing its weight behind DRC knows they would never tolerate a fraction of the kind of security threats Rwanda has been facing for 30 years,' she noted, adding, 'The gaslighting is deliberate because the truth is bad for business. It turns out that in this equation, the citizens of either country don’t actually matter, and in the end, their goal is NOT in fact a path to peace.'

The situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has deteriorated since 2021, when the M23 rebel group resumed fighting to defend the rights of marginalized Rwandophones and Tutsi communities.

Instead of addressing the root causes of the crisis, the DRC government has consistently shifted blame onto Rwanda, accusing it of backing the rebels.

These claims have been amplified by the international community, despite Rwanda strongly rejecting them as false.

Kigali continues to advocate for a political solution to the conflict, as recommended through regional initiatives, including the joint East African Community (EAC) and Southern African Development Community (SADC) summit.

Tensions escalated further as M23 forces advanced, capturing key cities such as Sake and Goma in North and South Kivu provinces.

Amid growing insecurity, Rwanda has reinforced its border security in response to clear indications that a coalition of forces, including the DRC army and the terrorist group FDLR, is planning an attack. This follows years of repeated attempts to destabilize Rwanda.

In 2022 alone, the FDLR, armed with weapons supplied by the DRC government, launched attacks on Musanze District in March, May, and June. Two years earlier, RUD-Urunana, an offshoot of the FDLR, had killed 14 Rwandans in the same area.

As pressure mounts, Rwanda has criticized those calling for sanctions against it, arguing that such measures unfairly target a country taking necessary steps to protect its borders and citizens.

The Rwandan government maintains that sanctions have never resolved the long-standing security crisis in eastern DRC and will not do so now.

Calm has been restored in cities captured by M23 in eastern DRC.

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In a statement released on Tuesday, the rebel group reaffirmed its commitment to a political resolution of the ongoing conflict but condemned what it described as the Kinshasa regime’s 'reckless and provocative actions.'

The AFC/M23 says that despite a unilateral ceasefire declared on February 4 and reaffirmed on February 22, the Congolese military (FARDC) and its coalition forces—including the FDLR, Wazalendo militias, and Burundi’s National Defence Force (FNDB)—are reorganizing for full-scale war.

According to the group’s spokesperson Lawrence Kanyuka, heavy military activity has been observed in conflict zones such as Rusizi Plain, Walikale, Masisi, and Lubero, where reinforcements and military supplies continue to be deployed.

The rebel movement also accused the Kinshasa government of launching targeted attacks against defenceless communities.

On February 25, drone and fighter jet strikes hit villages in Minembwe, including Irundu and Nyarujoka, causing destruction and terror among civilians. Meanwhile, in Uvira town, Kanyuka reported an escalation in the persecution of the Banyamulenge community, citing arbitrary arrests, enforced disappearances, and acts of violence.

AFC/M23 strongly condemned the human rights violations, denouncing what it called the 'selective stance' of the international community in addressing the crisis.

The group warned that continued attacks on civilians would escalate tensions, undermine regional peace efforts at the East African Community (EAC) and Southern African Development Community (SADC) levels, and hold the Congolese government responsible for any further deterioration of the situation.

'We urge regional leaders working towards a ceasefire to take immediate action and hold the Government of the DRC accountable for its reckless and provocative actions,' the statement read.

The Congolese government has yet to respond to AFC/M23’s allegations. However, President Tshisekedi’s administration has previously maintained that he won’t dialogue with the group, complicating efforts to find a lasting solution to the security situation in eastern Congo, where the fighters accuse the government of decades of marginalisation and persecution against Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese.

The crisis has deteriorated in recent months, leading to the capture of Bukavu and Goma, key cities in the South and North Kivu provinces.

The AFC/M23 says that despite a unilateral ceasefire declared on February 4 and reaffirmed on February 22, the Congolese military (FARDC) and its coalition forces—including the FDLR, Wazalendo militias, and Burundi’s National Defence Force (FNDB)—are reorganizing for full-scale war.

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This initiative aims to enhance skills, workforce training, and research and development to support the continent’s goal of manufacturing 60% of its vaccines locally by 2040.

The effort aligns with decisions by African Union leaders to expand the Partnerships for African Vaccine Manufacturing (PAVM) mandate beyond vaccines to include medicines, diagnostics, and other essential health products.

Financial support for this vision has been substantial, with more than $3.5 billion pledged by global donors and development finance institutions.

The African Vaccine Manufacturing Accelerator (AVMA) is expected to unlock $1.2 billion over the next decade, while Afreximbank has committed $2 billion to strengthening Africa’s health product manufacturing sector.

A recent Africa CDC survey identified 574 manufacturers across the continent, including 25 engaged in vaccine production. Ten of these already have installed capacity, and by 2030, three African manufacturers are expected to produce and secure World Health Organization (WHO) Prequalification for eight vaccines, expanding supply for the continental market and beyond.

The RCCN Secretariats were formally introduced during the 2nd Vaccines and Health Products Manufacturing Forum in Cairo, held from February 4 to 6, 2025.

In his keynote address, Africa CDC Director General, Dr, Jean Kaseya, hailed the initiative, describing it as a game-changer for workforce development in biomanufacturing.

Following a rigorous evaluation process, leading institutions were selected to coordinate efforts in each region, with Institut Pasteur du Maroc and The Unified Procurement Authority leading in North Africa, the Africa Biomanufacturing Institute in East Africa, Institut Pasteur de Dakar in West Africa, and the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research in Southern Africa.

These networks will address one of Africa’s biggest challenges in vaccine manufacturing: the shortage of skilled professionals in biomanufacturing, research and development, and regulatory affairs.

By linking training institutions, manufacturers, and regulatory authorities, the RCCNs will establish structured programs to build a sustainable and well-equipped workforce.

One of the sector’s biggest obstacles has been the lack of hands-on learning opportunities, such as internships and structured workplace training, which are essential for creating a steady pipeline of skilled professionals.

Expanding education in biomanufacturing, research, and regulatory affairs will be central to the initiative, aligning with Africa CDC’s Vaccine Research and Development and Vaccine Manufacturing Competency Frameworks.

Dr. Chiluba Mwila, Talent Development Lead for Africa CDC’s Platform for Harmonised African Health Manufacturing, emphasized the urgent need to quadruple Africa’s current 3,000 vaccine manufacturing and R&D employees to meet its production targets.

He pointed out key challenges, including limited educational programs, brain drain, and fragmented funding. The RCCNs aim to tackle these issues by developing a skilled workforce to support the continent’s growing vaccine and health product manufacturing sector.

Beyond technical expertise, the initiative also focuses on integrating sustainable business and operational models into workforce development. According to Dr. Abebe Genetu Bayih, Coordinator of the Platform for Harmonised African Health Manufacturing, the goal is to create an environment where Africa CDC and its partners can coordinate training programs effectively and sustainably.

Strengthening collaboration between research institutions and industry stakeholders will also ensure that Africa’s vaccine manufacturing ecosystem remains innovative and globally competitive.

Africa CDC headquarters in Ethiopia.

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