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On February 16, 2025, M23 confirmed that it had seized Bukavu after driving out soldiers from the Congolese government forces coalition. Since then, M23 fighters have been searching for remaining armed individuals in hiding and clashing with troops who had retreated to the southeastern outskirts of the city.

As of February 18, 2025, M23 had taken control of the Congolese side of the Kamanyola border, which connects the DRC and Rwanda, after ousting fighters from the Wazalendo armed coalition.

Reports indicate that Burundian troops, who have been a major support force for the Congolese army, have begun withdrawing from the conflict and returning to Bujumbura. Reuters reported this development, citing four sources, including a military officer, UN personnel, and a diplomat.

M23 continues to advance southward, appearing to head toward Uvira Territory. The group has already captured Mumosho and Nya-Ngezi in Walungu Territory.

South Kivu province consists of eight territories, covering an area of 64,000 square kilometers. M23 has now gained control of three, Kalehe, Kabare, and Walungu.

The M23 armed group has expanded its control in South Kivu.

IGIHE

The three-year agreement, which can be extended, was signed on February 17, 2025, at Chancen International’s headquarters in Kigali.

This partnership will provide students with the opportunity to have their tuition covered for three years, with repayment expected only after they secure employment.

Initially, Chancen International will sponsor 300 students enrolled at ICK for the academic year beginning in March 2025. These students will be admitted to programs in Science and Development, Communication and Journalism, and Education.

Ross Nathan, the CEO of Chancen International, expressed his enthusiasm about the partnership with ICK, highlighting the university’s rural location as a key advantage for students from underserved communities, who are the primary focus of Chancen’s mission.

'Promoting education, especially for girls, is crucial. A country that wants to develop must have inclusive education. When you look at sectors like banking, media, and construction, there are still very few women. We must put in more effort,' he stated.

Fr. Prof. Fidèle Dushimimana, the Vice-Chancellor of ICK, emphasized that the university’s motivation for partnering with Chancen International lies in its dedication to supporting students who struggle to afford higher education.

'We are always delighted when we find organizations willing to cover the cost of education. That’s why we continuously seek partners who can assist,' he said.

Chancen International, originally from Germany, has its headquarters in Rwanda and also operates in other African countries, including Kenya, Ghana, and South Africa.

The organization funds students through an Income Share Agreement (ISA), a financing model where students repay their tuition after gaining employment.

To date, Chancen International has funded over 3,000 students in Rwanda. Beneficiaries are selected in collaboration with university administrations based on applications and financial need, ensuring that support reaches those who need it most.

Ross Nathan, the CEO of Chancen International and Fr. Prof. Fidèle Dushimimana, the Vice-Chancellor of ICK after signing the cooperation agreement.

This partnership will provide students with the opportunity to have their tuition covered for three years.

IGIHE

He made these remarks in a brief interview with IGIHE on February 18, 2025, following the Rwanda government’s announcement that it had suspended its development cooperation with Belgium.

The decision came after Belgium aligned itself with the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in a campaign aimed at pressuring international organizations to cut development aid to Rwanda.

When asked whether the suspension of cooperation with Belgium could negatively impact Rwanda, Nduhungirehe was resolute.

'There is no cause for concern. Activities will continue, and Rwanda’s development will progress without Belgium. Belgium joined the Congolese government in an attempt to halt the aid Rwanda was receiving, even lobbying international organizations to cut support to our country.'

Belgium has often played a double game, one moment appearing to support Rwanda in various development projects, only to turn around and collaborate with the DRC in efforts to isolate Rwanda on the international stage.

In an interview with the national broadcaster, RBA, Rwanda’s Deputy Government Spokesperson, Alain Mukuralinda, stated that Rwanda had been aware of Belgium’s actions and had exercised patience, but the situation had persisted.

'You cannot claim to have a cooperation agreement with a country and then secretly lobby others to suspend their support due to political disagreements. Development issues should not be entangled with politics or used as a bargaining tool.'

When asked whether Rwanda had engaged in discussions with Belgium before making this decision, Mukuralinda confirmed that such measures are never taken without prior dialogue.

He expressed disappointment that Belgium had ignored Rwanda’s security concerns, particularly regarding Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese who are being persecuted in the DRC. Instead, Belgium continued to back the Congolese government, which insists on resolving the conflict through military force.

'Belgium has the right to choose its path, but using cooperation agreements as leverage while disregarding Rwanda’s security concerns is unacceptable.'

Recently, both the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) agreed that direct dialogue between the DRC and M23 was the only viable solution to lasting peace.

This position was also endorsed by the African Union. However, Mukuralinda noted that Belgium’s actions were undermining this peace process.

'Everyone agrees that the issue should be resolved through negotiations and diplomacy. Rwanda has raised concerns about the FDLR, and agreements have been made to dismantle this group, yet Belgium does not support these efforts.'

'All international organizations have urged the DRC to negotiate with M23, yet the Congolese government refuses and insists on solving the issue through war. Any country that supports this stance is undermining the broader peace process.'

Regarding the potential impact of Rwanda’s decision to cut ties with Belgium, Mukuralinda stated that Rwanda will not trade its national security or sovereignty for foreign aid.

In a recent interview with Jeune Afrique, President Paul Kagame was asked about Belgium and other countries threatening to cut aid or impose sanctions on Rwanda. He dismissed these threats, asserting that the same countries are responsible for fueling the conflict in eastern DRC.

'Some of these countries, like Belgium and Germany, which were former colonial rulers, are trying to intimidate us with sanctions simply because I am defending my country’s rights. Do they think they can scare me? Let me be clear: if I must choose between compromising our security and facing sanctions, I would rather take up arms to defend my nation than bow to their threats,' he said.

President Kagame further highlighted Belgium’s inconsistency and failure to acknowledge historical injustices. He reminded the world that Rwanda had endured difficult times in 1994, and thus, no amount of threats would deter its path forward.

Foreign Affairs Minister Olivier Nduhungirehe has affirmed that Rwanda’s development will thrive without Belgium.

IGIHE

The withdrawal comes in the wake of M23’s capture of Goma in late January and its subsequent takeover of Bukavu, further solidifying the group’s presence in eastern Congo.

Sources from the Burundian army and the United Nations confirmed the retreat, with military trucks carrying Burundian troops seen crossing back into the country. “Burundian troops are leaving the DRC. Several trucks filled with soldiers arrived yesterday,” a military officer revealed.

Burundi’s forces had initially entered eastern Congo to combat Burundian rebel groups but later took on a broader role, joining Congolese forces and allied militias against M23.

Despite reinforcements, Burundian troops struggled against the well-organized rebels and ultimately began their withdrawal after repeated losses.

Burundi was part of a coalition that included the Congolese army, the Wazalendo militia, the FDLR, composed of Rwandan genocidal elements, SADC forces, and European mercenaries.

However, M23’s battlefield successes have disrupted these alliances, leaving Kinshasa’s strategy in disarray.
The military pact between Burundian President Évariste Ndayishimiye and Congolese President Félix Tshisekedi, which saw over 12,000 Burundian troops deployed to North Kivu, has also come under scrutiny.

Reports indicate that Tshisekedi paid Ndayishimiye $2 million for this intervention, sparking discontent among Burundian military officers who questioned the true motives behind the deployment.

Meanwhile, human rights organizations have accused Burundian forces, along with their Congolese allies, of committing atrocities against Congolese Tutsi civilians.

As the conflict escalates, the international community is closely monitoring the situation, with growing concerns over the humanitarian crisis unfolding in the region.

Burundian troops are leaving the DRC. Several trucks filled with soldiers arrived yesterday.

Eastern DRC has recently turned into an epicenter of gun fire.

IGIHE

AFC/M23’s political spokesperson, Lawrence Kanyuka, told The New Times that the surrendered DRC soldiers were victims of President Félix Tshisekedi’s regime.

'They are Congolese who were being used by Tshisekedi and his allies. They are civilians, they are Congolese, and they are victims of Tshisekedi and his government,' speaking from Bukavu, a city recently taken over by the group, Kanyuka stated.

He emphasized that M23 has no issue integrating them into their forces, as they are fellow Congolese who share the same goal of liberating the country from oppression. Before officially joining M23’s ranks in North Kivu, these former government soldiers underwent training.

Kanyuka called on the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the East African Community (EAC) to assess the real situation in the DRC and understand why armed resistance emerged in the first place. He highlighted the ongoing massacres of Kinyarwanda-speaking Tutsi communities, which the Congolese government ignores.

'They need to come and see for themselves what is happening, how Tshisekedi is destroying this country, spreading hate speech, and leading a government riddled with corruption. How can he continue killing our people while the world watches and then expect us not to defend ourselves?' Kanyuka questioned.

'We are not fighting to attack the Congolese government. We are fighting to defend ourselves, our families, and civilians who are being slaughtered every day. The world should help us,' he added.

Kanyuka urged SADC and Burundian forces to withdraw from the DRC instead of reinforcing Tshisekedi’s regime, which he accused of promoting ethnic-based ideology and persecution.

On February 13, 2025, ARC/M23 military leader Gen. Maj. Sultani Makenga visited the captured DRC soldiers, who agreed to fight alongside M23 to overthrow President Félix Tshisekedi’s administration.

At that time, the soldiers were undergoing training at the Rumangabo military camp in Rutshuru Territory, North Kivu.

Makenga explained to them how Tshisekedi’s government was looting the country, committing murders, abductions, and ethnic persecution. He assured them that ARC/M23 was committed to liberating the people, and the soldiers pledged to support their cause and defend Congolese civilians from government oppression.

Despite the DRC government’s alliance with armed groups such as the FDLR, responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, as well as Wazalendo, foreign troops from Burundi, SADC, and mercenaries, M23 has continued to repel their advances and reclaim territory.

Some foreign mercenaries who surrendered to M23 were allowed safe passage back to their countries through Rwanda. Malawi recently announced plans to withdraw its troops from the DRC, and reports suggest that Burundian forces have also begun retreating.

These soldiers joined M23 after surrendering during the liberation of Goma at the end of January 2025.

IGIHE

In a statement released by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation on February 18, 2025, Rwanda accused Belgium of leading an aggressive campaign alongside the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to block Rwanda’s access to development finance, including funds from multilateral institutions.

“Belgium has made a political decision to choose a side in this conflict, which is its right, but politicizing development is plainly wrong,” the statement reads.

The government emphasized that no country in the region should have its development finance weaponized as a tool of political leverage. It warned that punitive, one-sided measures undermine the African Union (AU)-led mediation efforts to resolve the ongoing crisis in Eastern DRC.

“These efforts demonstrate that there is no longer a sound basis for development cooperation with Belgium. Accordingly, Rwanda is suspending the remainder of the 2024-2029 bilateral aid program,' the statement continued.

“Rwanda will not be bullied”

“Rwanda will not be bullied or blackmailed into compromising national security. Our only aim is a secure border and an irreversible end to the politics of violent ethnic extremism in our region.”

The government also criticized the failure of the DRC and the international community to dismantle the UN-sanctioned genocidal FDLR militia, which has operated in the region for decades.

“Rwanda needs peace and a durable solution. No one should continue to tolerate the cycles of conflict that persist due to the failure of the DRC Government and the international community to fulfill their commitments,” the statement added.

Rwanda reaffirmed its commitment to accountability in the use of development funds, insisting that its partnerships must be based on mutual respect and maintained that full support to the AU/EAC/SADC mediation is essential during these difficult moments for our region.

“Development partnerships must be based on mutual respect, and Rwanda has made it a point to ensure maximum accountability for all the funding we receive, a fact that no partner has questioned.”

IGIHE

In December 2024, Chameleone was rushed to Nakasero Hospital in Kampala after experiencing excruciating abdominal pain. His condition quickly escalated, prompting doctors to place him under intensive care for 11 days.

Medical experts advised that he needed specialized treatment abroad to prevent further complications.
Taking this advice seriously, Chameleone was discharged on December 23, 2024, and immediately made arrangements to fly to the United States.

His medical evacuation was spearheaded by Ugandan socialite and businesswoman Juliet Zawedde, who covered his medical and travel expenses.

Upon arrival in the U.S., he was admitted to Allina Health Mercy Hospital in Coon Rapids, Minnesota, where he has been receiving specialized care ever since. His brother and fellow musician, Weasel Manizo, has been by his side throughout the ordeal.

With just hours left before the operation, fans across the globe are sending their prayers and support. In a January 3, 2025, interview with NTV’s The Beat, Chameleone reassured his supporters that he remains optimistic about his recovery.

'This has been a tough journey, but I’m staying strong. I miss my fans, and I promise to come back stronger than ever,' he stated.

Despite his health struggles, the legendary singer has been plotting his comeback, using his recovery time to reflect on his career and plan new projects.

As the countdown to surgery begins, Uganda, and the entire African music scene waits anxiously, hopeful that the Mama Mia hitmaker will emerge from this battle victorious. Ugandans online wished a quick recovery to talented singer after Reports of him being hospitalized again emerged.

Joseph Mayanja alias Jose Chameleon is a famous Ugandan singer known for his versatile music style that includes Reggae, Dancehall and Afro beats. He has won numerous awards throughout his career including the prestigious MTV Africa Music Award.

The singer, known for hits like Valu Valu and Wale Wale, has been battling acute pancreatitis.

IGIHE

Algeria, Sierra Leone, and Somalia, which hold non-permanent seats on the UN Security Council, along with Guyana, recently voted against a resolution that would accuse Rwanda of sending troops to eastern DRC and condemn its actions.

Tshisekedi, who recently attended an international security conference in Munich, Germany, stated that had these African countries voted in favor of the resolution, the UN Security Council could have condemned Rwanda.

'We have three African countries representing us as non-permanent members of the UN Security Council, and they failed to vote for a resolution condemning Rwanda’s actions in DRC,' he said.

The DRC President highlighted that the failure of these three African nations to vote for the resolution reflected the inability of the African Union to achieve unity and cooperation.

'Think about it: we spend day and night hoping for unity, brotherhood, and cooperation in Africa, but the reality we see is that we cannot achieve these ideals,' he said.

Before the UN Security Council and other meetings, Rwanda has repeatedly stated that it does not have troops in eastern DRC, calling the accusations baseless and a smear campaign aimed at diverting attention from DRC’s internal governance issues.

The Rwandan government has also pointed out that the DRC continues to collaborate with the FDLR, a terrorist group that has been a long-standing threat to Rwanda. This collaboration has been backed by various reports, including those from UN experts.

The UN Security Council, composed of 15 countries, includes five permanent members; the United States, the United Kingdom, Russia, France, and China. Algeria, Sierra Leone, and Somalia are the only African representatives.

Many have questioned why Tshisekedi frequently focuses on Rwanda while ignoring the challenges within his own country, including the collaboration of his armed forces with the FDLR terrorist group.

Sierra Leone which holds a non-permanent seats on the UN Security Council declined to support UN to condemn Rwanda.

IGIHE

This information was confirmed by Ugandan motor-mouthed journalist Andrew Mwenda, who stated that he spoke with the Chief of Uganda’s Defense Forces, Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba, a close friend of his.

'I was speaking with the Chief of Defense Forces, Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba. He wanted to inform the country that Uganda’s special forces have entered Bunia, in eastern DRC, the capital of Ituri Province. He made a promise, and he has fulfilled it,' Mwenda said.

He explained that Muhoozi’s decision was triggered by a breakdown in communication between the governments of Uganda and DRC. The two nations had initially agreed to deploy their troops to fight armed groups killing civilians in Bunia on February 5, but the DRC later changed its position.

'We had an agreement with the Kinshasa government to deploy the UPDF in Bunia last Wednesday. They canceled the operation at the last minute. Meanwhile, civilians speaking Runyakitara are being killed,' he stated.

On February 15, 2025, Gen. Muhoozi announced that he would deploy troops to Bunia to stop the killings of the Hima people. That same day, he gave an ultimatum, demanding that all armed forces in the area surrender their weapons within 24 hours.

'Under the leadership of General Yoweri Museveni, the Commander-in-Chief of the UPDF, I am giving all armed forces in Bunia 24 hours to lay down their weapons! If they do not comply, we will treat them as enemies and engage them,' Muhoozi declared.

Two days later, Uganda’s military command, which has been engaged in operations against the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) in the DRC, met with the Congolese military leadership in Ituri to discuss the possibility of expanding their joint operations.

The spokesperson for the Congolese army in Ituri, Lt. Jules Ngongo, stated that this is not the first time Ugandan forces have been deployed in the province, suggesting that there was prior agreement regarding their presence in Bunia.

On February 18, footage emerged showing Ugandan military vehicles and tanks moving toward Bunia, a city that has frequently suffered attacks from armed groups such as ADF and CODECO.

An advance team from the UPDF is staying in Bunia, as part of the force-sharing arrangement with the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC).

IGIHE

According to veteran war reporter Marc Hoogsteyns, while the situation in Goma has stabilized, the local population remains divided. Some residents have welcomed M23’s rule, while others remain skeptical.

Despite these tensions, M23 has moved quickly to establish order, clearing bodies from the streets and setting up a new administration.

Unlike their brief occupation of Goma in 2012, M23 is now more organized and better equipped. Their leadership views this moment as an opportunity to push for the return of displaced communities from Rwanda, Uganda, and beyond.

At the beginning, their immediate goal was to reclaim lands in Masisi and Rutshuru, but their preceding movements suggested otherwise. Bukavu, the capital of South Kivu, is now also under their control.

M23’s rapid gains have exposed deep flaws in Kinshasa’s military strategy. The Congolese army (FARDC), alongside its allies, including the FDLR and Wazalendo militias, failed to mount effective resistance.

Key positions fell one after another, from Bunagana to Rutshuru, leaving government forces retreating south. M23’s capture of Kavumu Airport, a critical transport hub, further strengthened their hold on the region.

The Congolese government has consistently blamed Rwanda for supporting M23, an allegation Kigali denies. Meanwhile, Kinshasa’s decision to integrate FDLR fighters into its ranks has fueled further instability, as the group has a history of targeting ethnic Tutsis.

President Félix Tshisekedi’s approach, arming local militias and delaying negotiations, has only deepened divisions, making the prospect of a military comeback increasingly unlikely.

The future of M23’s rule in the Kivu region depends on their ability to transition from military occupation to effective governance.

While they have shown discipline on the battlefield, running a city of Goma’s size presents new challenges. Security remains a major concern, with reports of looting and violence in the early days of their takeover. However, order is gradually being restored.

The international response remains uncertain. While Kinshasa continues to call for military intervention, M23’s rapid advances suggest that diplomatic engagement may be the only viable solution. The coming weeks will be critical in determining whether the Congolese government pursues negotiations or attempts another military campaign.

For now, Goma is firmly in M23’s hands. Whether their control extends further into South Kivu remains to be seen. As tensions persist, the people of eastern Congo remain caught in the middle, hoping for peace but bracing for more conflict.

Sam K Nkurunziza