Author: admin

This document is not simply an archival curiosity; it is a window into the psyche of a regime that had already lost the war intellectually, morally, and strategically—years before it lost everything else. The report is not purely a wartime memo; it is a revelation written in advance, a bureaucratic outburst dressed up as strategy, and a masterclass in how paranoia, racism, and criminal fantasy masquerade as statecraft.

By this point, the Habyarimana government was living in a corresponding universe of denial. Major General Fred Rwigema, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) Chairman and founding commander of the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), had been killed on the second day of the October 1990 offensive. The regime celebrated prematurely, mistaking the loss of a leader for the collapse of a cause.

History, with its cruel sense of irony, had other plans. The struggle to liberate Rwanda from a criminal system—continued under the leadership of Paul Kagame with renewed discipline and purpose. The RPF reorganized, adapted, and advanced. That alone should have triggered sober reassessment. Instead, it triggered hysteria. And it would end not in the regime’s triumph, but in its moral and political bankruptcy.

The report reveals a state stuck between fear and fantasy. The report opens in full panic mode. 'Reliable information,' it claims, indicated that Uganda was planning to attack Rwanda. Implicitly, the RPF was not Rwandan but Ugandan, despite a N’SELE—Zaire Ceasefire Agreement, of 29th March, 1991 and despite the obvious historical reality of Rwandan refugees expelled since 1959. The government refused to confront the political roots of the conflict: exclusion, statelessness, and decades of institutionalized ethnic discrimination. Instead, it clung to conspiracy theories with the desperation of a drowning man clutching a stone.

Satire becomes inevitable here, not because the subject is funny, but because the regime itself behaved like a catastrophic farce. When facts become troublesome, falsehood was elevated to doctrine. Once military defeat loomed, they did not rethink policy; they blamed Uganda, Burundi, internal 'traitors,' political parties, newspapers, even their own soldiers. And when all else failed, they arrived at what they believed was a stroke of strategic genius: assassinate President Yoweri Museveni. Murder, they calculated, would be cheaper than reform. History would later show that genocide, too, was seen as cheaper than justice.

When Inkotanyi do not disappear

The report’s dominant lament is almost comical in its petulance. The 'determined will of the INKOTANYI to continue fighting,' it says, despite the various concessions made by the Rwandan side, proves that the RPF were 'bad-faith actors who want nothing other than power under the auspices of President Museveni.'

This is grievance masquerading as analysis. The 'concessions' were cosmetic—offers that preserved a political system built on exclusion while demanding surrender from those whose very existence the regime denied. The RPF’s refusal to dissolve itself politely, as the regime wished— was interpreted not as political resolve, but as foreign manipulation. The regime could not imagine that Rwandans might fight for Rwanda with such a determination.

Here the report exposes its intellectual bankruptcy and not intelligence. As Carl von Clausewitz warned in On War (1832), 'War is the continuation of politics by other means.' The Habyarimana regime refused to address the political causes of the war, yet was shocked that the military conflict persisted. They wanted a ceasefire without reform, peace without justice, surrender without recognition. Clausewitz would have diagnosed the problem instantly: the political objective was incoherent; therefore, the military effort was doomed.

Unable to defeat the RPF, the regime internationalized its paranoia. Uganda, they claimed, was the real enemy. Burundi was also accused of 'radical support' for the RPF, guilty of 'deliberate passivity' in stopping recruitment. The Burundian government, the report sneers, 'cannot find any argument' to explain its failure—therefore it must be morally and politically complicit.

The proposed response was 'high-level diplomatic action.' This phrase, in the language of the report, means threats, pressure, and diplomatic bullying. When that fails, more whining. When whining proved insufficient, the military solution followed.

The FAR’s 'major problem,' the report admits, was operational ineffectiveness: they could not pursue the Inkotanyi into Uganda, while the latter could fire from there. The solution? Identify positions beyond the border—training centers, logistical hubs—and destroy them through raids. These raids would be accompanied by a 'large-scale campaign' highlighting alleged internal conflicts within the RPF. It was the time when Radio Rwanda would broadcast rumors about deaths of RPF’s leaders as an attractive strategy.

In other words: encroach upon international law militarily, and lie enthusiastically in the media. The belief that propaganda could substitute for battlefield success reveals a regime confusing noise for power and victory. In The Art of War, Sun Tzu warned, over two millennia ago: 'If you know the enemy and know yourself, you need not fear the result of a hundred battles.' The Habyarimana government knew neither. It made fun of the enemy and lied to itself.

Killing President Museveni

Then comes the passage that takes away all remaining pretenses. Having failed militarily, diplomatically, and intellectually, the report proposes assassination.

'Through specialized private organizations, we should consider making an attempt on the life of MUSEVENI. It is not impossible to have him eliminated.'

This is not allegory or rhetoric. This is a state document proposing political murder. The justification is stunning in its cynicism: 'The cost of carrying out such a plan would be far lower than the cost of the war that MUSEVENI has inflicted upon us.'

Here, murder becomes a budgetary decision. Assassination is framed as cost-effective or fiscal responsibility. And who should oversee this enlightened policy? 'The military intelligence services,' tasked with an 'in-depth study' of the plan. The same services that could not win a conventional war were now expected to competently execute transnational homicide.

B.H. Liddell Hart once noted in Strategy (1954) that: 'The object of war is a better state of peace—even if only from your own point of view.' Assassinating a neighboring president would not bring peace; it would invite regional chaos. But the regime had abandoned strategy for spite. It mistook criminal fantasy for realism.

Nervous army and ethnic extremism

Having proposed murder, the report then pivots—without irony—to the need for reflection. A permanent framework for study. A think tank. Military technicians meeting officials from the Ministry of Finance, the Ministry of Planning, and the National Bank of Rwanda (BNR) to prepare for a long war.

The absurdity is insightful. A government that refused to acknowledge why the war existed now wanted economists and sociologists to help manage it. Basil Liddell Hart warned against this exact stupidity: 'The more a strategy aims at decisive victory, the more it risks decisive defeat.' The regime wanted total victory without addressing the grievances driving resistance. It was planning for endless war while pretending it sought stability.

The report betrays deep anxiety within the Rwandan Army (FAR). Soldiers were whispering. Complaints once muttered were now printed in newspapers. The 'commander' was urged to 'react accordingly' to avoid an explosion within the army.

This is the language of a disintegrating institution. Discipline erodes not because soldiers are weak, but because leadership is dishonest. The FAR was being asked to fight a war whose rationale no longer convinced even its own officers. The regime responded not with reform, but with repression and ethnic mobilization.

That becomes obvious in the most revealing section: the 'Political Domain'. Multiparty politics was approaching, and the regime responded not with democratic confidence but with sectarian calculation.

The Social Democratic Party (PSD) was dismissed as a family affair of embittered former elites: Félicien Gatabazi, former minister imprisoned with his wife for embezzlement; Frédéric Nzamurambaho, allegedly resentful over exclusion from power. Parties were evaluated not on ideas, but on utility. Names were dragged through the mud with the trivial malice of a police file. Irrelevant character assassination stood in for political debate. Gatabazi was killed on 21st February 1994—whereas Nzamurambaho, by then Minister of Agriculture, was murdered with his family on April 7, 1994.

The Republican Democratic Movement (MDR), however, was treated with cautious respect. It was popular. Wealthy. Ambitious. Worse, it coveted military positions. And then the most damning sentence appears: its 'extremist HUTU character' was described not as a danger, but as a weapon—capable of attracting a military already sensitized to ethnicity by a war 'imposed by TUTSI from outside.'

This was May 1991. In October 1993, Froduald Karamira of MDR would openly proclaim Hutu Power. The trajectory was clear. Extremism was admired, cultivated, and instrumentalized. The report even warns that soldiers should be kept away from political parties lest they align with 'the most extremist HUTU party.' They knew the danger. They fed it anyway.

Names need not be written for history to supply them: Officers like Augustin Bizimungu, Théoneste Bagosora, Aloys Ntiwiragabo, Aloys Ntabakuze—and others shaped by the ethnic absolutism of the Kayibanda and Habyarimana eras. The report reads like a rehearsal for catastrophe.

Conclusion

The May 23, 1991 Military Intelligence Report stands today not as evidence of victimhood, but as proof of premeditated failure. It documents a regime that refused to face reality: that the RPF was Rwandan, that its cause was rooted in historical injustice, and that no amount of propaganda, raids, or assassination plots could erase that fact. Instead of reform, the regime chose conspiracy. Instead of dialogue, it chose ethnic hate mobilization. Instead of plans to win, it chose murder.

Sun Tzu cautioned that 'He who has no forethought but makes light of his opponents is sure to be captured by them.' The Habyarimana government made light of the RPF’s determination, misread its political legitimacy, and fantasized about killing Museveni as a shortcut to victory. That same mindset would later rationalize mass murder as a solution to political problems.

The document shows that genocide did not erupt from chaos or accident. It was preceded by calculation, admiration for extremism, and a belief that killing—whether one man or a million—was cheaper than honesty and justice. In that sense, the plan to assassinate Museveni was not an anomaly. It was a rehearsal.

History has rendered its verdict. The regime that dreamed of murder in secret memos collapsed under the weight of its own fabrications. The report remains, stamped SECRET, now public and damning—a testament to how a state announced its crimes long before committing them.

The Habyarimana regime refused to address the political causes of the war, yet was shocked that the military conflict persisted.

The May 23, 1991 Military Intelligence Report stands today not as evidence of victimhood, but as proof of premeditated failure.

Rwanda’s Military Intelligence Report of 23 May 1991, stamped self-assuredly SECRET, is a window into the psyche of a regime that had already lost the war intellectually, morally, and strategically—years before it lost everything else.

Tom Ndahiro

Rugemanshuro also disclosed that the institution recorded a net surplus of Rwf 413 billion in 2025, representing a 15.6 percent return on investment.

He made the remarks on January 20, 2025, while appearing before the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Social Affairs

'It has been a long journey to reach where we are today,' Rugemanshuro told MPs.

The Director General noted that RSSB has undergone wide-ranging reforms, including improvements in investment governance, to strengthen the institution’s operations.

Rugemanshuro highlighted changes in the way RSSB operates with employers, employees, and beneficiaries, noting that members’ contributions have increased alongside benefits paid to beneficiaries.

He added that employers can now access contribution-related information more easily through digital platforms, while the institution has stepped up efforts to recover unpaid contributions.

In 2025, RSSB was owed arrears amounting to Rwf 27.9 billion, including Rwf 16 billion from public institutions and Rwf 11 billion from private entities. During the year, the government paid Rwf 2 billion of the outstanding amount, while private entities settled Rwf 9 billion.

Rugemanshuro assured Parliament that RSSB remains financially sound and capable of meeting its obligations to members.

'I would like to give a strong assurance that RSSB has sufficient capacity to meet its obligations to members at all times in the future,” he assured.

He added that the institution’s current position reflects the successful implementation of its investment strategy.

RSSB’s investment portfolio is diversified across several asset classes. About 40 percent of its assets are invested in fixed-income securities, while 15 percent is held as cash and bank deposits to ensure liquidity and support day-to-day operations and benefit payments.

A further 20 percent is invested in commercial ventures, 14 percent in development-oriented investments aligned with national priorities, and 11 percent in real estate, including housing and land projects.

Rugemanshuro emphasised that RSSB’s investment strategy is aligned with Rwanda’s development agenda, noting that approximately 95 percent of the institution’s investments are located within the country.

The assets of the Rwanda Social Security Board (RSSB) reached Rwf 3,000.2 billion (Rwf 3 trillion) in 2025, doubling over the past five years, Director General Regis Rugemanshuro has revealed.

IGIHE

Against a backdrop of growing geopolitical complexity, deepening fragmentation and rapid technological transformation, the forum has called on the international community to bridge differences through dialogue, look to the future, and work together to address major global challenges.

Rising global risks

The world is currently grappling with a convergence of risks that is placing unprecedented strain on global stability and development.

A participant walks past the logo of the World Economic Forum prior to the opening of its annual meeting, in Davos, Switzerland, January 18, 2026.

The WEF’s Global Risks Report 2026, one of its flagship publications released ahead of the annual meeting, points out that geopolitical and economic risks rise in a new age of competition.

The report identifies geoeconomic confrontation as the top risk for 2026, followed by interstate conflict, extreme weather, societal polarization, misinformation and disinformation. Economic risks, it notes, are rising at the fastest pace among all risk categories in the short term.

WEF Managing Director Saadia Zahidi said the age of competition compounds global risks ranging from geoeconomic confrontation, unchecked technology to rising debt, and changes the world’s collective capacity to address them.

According to the WEF’s latest Chief Economists’ Outlook, 53 percent of chief economists expect global economic conditions to weaken in the year ahead, with concerns over potential asset valuation declines, mounting debt and geoeconomic realignment, among other factors.

This was echoed by the United Nations in its latest World Economic Situation and Prospects 2026 report. The UN projects global economic growth at 2.7 percent in 2026, slightly below the estimated 2.8 percent in 2025, citing weak investment and tight fiscal space as key drags on economic activity.

The report warns that higher tariffs combined with rising macroeconomic uncertainty will have a more pronounced impact next year, with global trade growth expected to fall to 2.2 percent in 2026, down from 3.8 percent in 2025.

In a recent interview with Xinhua, WEF President and CEO Borge Brende said, “We are most worried about major escalations of wars. That can kill global growth.” He noted that if the world can avoid such escalations, global economic growth could reach over 3 percent in 2026.

Borge Brende, president of the World Economic Forum (WEF), speaks in an interview with Xinhua in Geneva, Switzerland, January 14, 2026.

A major focus of the annual meeting will be the technological paradigm shift — from artificial intelligence (AI) and quantum computing to next-generation biotechnology and energy systems. The WEF said that these new technologies are reshaping how people live and work while creating new growth engines.

The WEF warns that while the rapid advance of AI is driving productivity gains, it also brings new risks, including social fractures fueled by rising unemployment and weakening consumer confidence.

Dialogue urgently needed

Days before the meeting opened, the WEF released its Global Cooperation Barometer, which finds that global cooperation has proved resilient despite strong headwinds confronting multilateralism. Yet the report cautions that existing levels of cooperation remain inadequate to meet pressing economic, security and environmental challenges.

The report stresses that in an increasingly complex and uncertain geopolitical environment, open and constructive dialogue is critical to identifying collaborative pathways that advance shared interests.

Under the theme “A Spirit of Dialogue,” this year’s meeting reflects that urgency. Key topics include how to cooperate in a more contested world, how to unlock new sources of growth, and how to deploy innovation at scale and responsibly.

“Dialogue is not a luxury in times of uncertainty; it is an urgent necessity,” said Brende.

During the interview, he viewed dialogue as critical as it is the start of a process that can ultimately yield results capable of moving the world forward.

More dialogue is needed to change today’s growing polarization and lack of win-win outcomes, Brende added.

Larry Fink, interim co-chair of the WEF, said the forum has brought together a record number of leaders from governments, businesses and non-governmental organizations at a moment when dialogue matters more than ever.

“Understanding different perspectives is essential to driving economic progress and ensuring prosperity is more broadly shared,” he said.

People attend the welcome reception at the 2026 annual meeting of the World Economic Forum (WEF) in Davos, Switzerland, January 19, 2026.

Xinhua

In the image, Trump is accompanied by U.S. Vice President JD Vance and Secretary of State Marco Rubio, with a sign nearby reading “GREENLAND – US TERRITORY EST. 2026.”

On the same day, Trump released another image: He met with European leaders in the Oval Office, with a map displayed behind him showing the United States, Canada, Greenland, and Venezuela under the American flag.

Trump said on Truth Social on Tuesday that he had a telephone call with Mark Rutte, the Secretary General of NATO, concerning Greenland.

“As I expressed to everyone, very plainly, Greenland is imperative for National and World Security. There can be no going back. On that, everyone agrees!” he wrote.

U.S. President Donald Trump posted an image of himself placing the U.S. flag on the territory of Greenland on Tuesday on his social media platform Truth Social.

Xinhua

At the centre of this shift is the SDG Costing and Budgeting exercise, a government-led initiative supported by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), designed to align national spending with measurable development outcomes.

The exercise, anchored in Rwanda’s National Strategy for Transformation 2 (NST2), is changing how public and private resources are mobilised, allocated and monitored, moving beyond traditional budgeting toward results-driven financing.

Technical support for smarter financing

UNDP has provided technical leadership and advisory support throughout the SDG costing process, working closely with the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning (MINECOFIN). The agency supported the development of costing methodologies, scenario modelling and the integration of SDG targets into national budget systems.

In a recent SDG Costing report, Fatmata Sesay, UNDP Rwanda Resident Representative, underscored the importance of strategic financing in achieving sustainable development outcomes.

“Right-financing is not about doing more with less. It is about doing better with what we have, structuring public funds to de-risk investment, aligning incentives to development outcomes and building the fiscal architecture to manage complexity over time,” she said.

UNDP also supported the application of global tools such as the IMF SDG Financing Tool, helping Rwanda adapt international models to local realities.

Aligning SDGs with Rwanda’s national priorities

Rather than treating SDGs as a parallel agenda, the costing exercise embeds them directly into NST2 flagship programmes. Each SDG target is mapped to NST2 pillars and priority areas, ensuring they are delivered through national systems.

By integrating SDG costing into Rwanda’s Medium-Term Expenditure Framework (MTEF), MINECOFIN can now clearly see which priorities are fully funded, partially funded or unfunded. This allows policymakers to sequence interventions strategically and focus limited resources on areas with the highest development impact, including poverty reduction, job creation and climate resilience.

By integrating SDG costing into Rwanda’s Medium-Term Expenditure Framework (MTEF), MINECOFIN can now clearly see which priorities are fully funded, partially funded or unfunded.

According to the report, Rwanda requires Rwf 63.6 trillion to implement NST2 between 2024 and 2029. Of this amount, 43 percent is expected to come from private sector investments, particularly domestic financial institutions, while the remaining 57 percent will be mobilised from public sources such as taxes, grants and concessional loans.

The largest allocations are directed to education, health, electricity, water and sanitation, and roads. The sectors are prioritised because of their central role in human capital development and economic transformation. By 2029, spending in these areas is projected to reach nearly 20 percent of GDP, up from around 10 percent in 2024.

Where Rwanda stands on the SDGs

The report presents a mixed picture of Rwanda’s SDG performance. About 28 percent of targets are already achieved or on track, while 53 percent are showing limited progress. Another 19 percent of targets are regressing, highlighting areas where progress has stalled or reversed.

Rwanda has recorded notable gains in clean water access, clean energy, gender equality and climate action. However, challenges persist in job creation, institutional capacity and inclusive economic growth, signalling the need for more targeted financing and policy acceleration in these areas.

These gaps in progress are closely linked to the country’s SDG financing shortfall, now estimated at 21.3 percent of GDP, up from 15.7 percent before the COVID-19 pandemic. Closing this gap will require stronger domestic revenue mobilisation, better public spending efficiency and deeper private sector involvement.

The report makes it clear that traditional public financing alone will not be enough. Instead, Rwanda is increasingly turning to blended finance, public-private partnerships and impact-linked financing to mobilise additional capital while maintaining fiscal sustainability.

To support long-term planning, the report outlines three possible development pathways. Under the Resilience First scenario, SDGs would be achieved by 2054 if current trends continue. The Smart Sequencing scenario projects achievement by 2044 through moderate acceleration and efficiency gains. The most ambitious pathway, All-in Leap, targets SDG achievement by 2034, requiring major fiscal reforms, strong private sector mobilisation and international cooperation.

These scenarios allow policymakers to weigh ambition against fiscal risk and implementation capacity.

A major innovation introduced through the exercise is Budgeting for SDGs (B4SDG). Unlike traditional budgeting approaches that focus on institutional spending lines, B4SDG tracks how each allocation contributes to concrete development outcomes.

This enables cross-sector coordination and makes trade-offs visible, strengthening transparency and accountability. For example, investments in renewable energy simultaneously advance climate action, job creation and economic growth.

Crowding in the private sector

Private sector participation is also becoming central to Rwanda’s SDG financing strategy. Through the Integrated National Financing Framework (INFF), SDG priorities are transformed into bankable projects supported by guarantees, concessional finance and results-based payments.

These instruments reduce investment risk and attract private capital into sectors such as renewable energy, agriculture, housing, MSMEs and health, helping scale development impact beyond what public funding alone can achieve.

Managing fiscal risks and climate resilience

The report also flags potential fiscal risks, including rising debt service costs and contingent liabilities from public-private partnerships. To manage these risks, Rwanda is embedding SDG financing within a prudent macro-fiscal framework guided by debt sustainability thresholds and phased implementation.

Climate risk is fully integrated into investment planning. Projects are screened for resilience and aligned with green bonds and climate funds, ensuring long-term sustainability.

As Rwanda prepares for global platforms such as the Summit of the Future, the United Nations system has reaffirmed its commitment to supporting the country’s development agenda.

“As we move towards the Summit of the Future and beyond, the United Nations system in Rwanda remains fully committed to supporting the government in mobilising the right type of capital to accelerate progress towards the SDGs,” said Ozonnia Ojielo, United Nations Resident Coordinator in Rwanda.

With UNDP’s technical support and strong government ownership, Rwanda’s SDG costing exercise is emerging as a regional model for results-based development financing, demonstrating how data, partnerships and innovative finance can turn ambition into measurable impact.

Minister of Finance Yusuf Murangwa and UN Resident Coordinator Ozonnia Ojielo sign the UN Sustainable Development Cooperation Framework 2025—2029, May 2025. UNDP has provided technical leadership and advisory support throughout the SDG costing process.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

This issue was addressed during a press conference held on Monday, January 19, 2026, at Stade Amahoro. The event was attended by the Country Director of QA Venue Solutions Rwanda, John Ntigengwa; the CEO of Rwanda Premier League, Jules Karangwa; and Tokoloho Moeketsi, the Commercial Director at QA Venue Solutions.

The discussion comes amid growing complaints from various stakeholders, including federations and teams using Stade Amahoro and smaller venues like Petit Stade, who have criticized the high rental prices. Fans attending matches at the stadium have also expressed dissatisfaction with the excessively high prices for drinks and food.

Ntigengwa mentioned that QA Solutions, which has extensive experience in managing sports and entertainment venues, signed an agreement with the Rwandan Government on May 15, 2025, to manage Stade Amahoro to ensure its efficient operation and generate revenue.

The goal is for the stadium to remain in top condition, provide a return on investment, and allow the government to recoup its initial investment.

'The stadium must be used, but it should also generate income. Such an investment takes time, but we want to ensure it stays intact, always looking good, and at an international standard,' he said.

No fixed price for renting Stade Amahoro

On July 1, 2024, President Paul Kagame, together with Dr. Patrice Motsepe, the President of the Confederation of African Football (CAF), officially inaugurated the revamped Amahoro Stadium, which had been under renovation for two years. The stadium’s capacity was increased from 25,000 to 45,000 seated spectators, and it was fully covered.

Since then, the stadium has hosted both local and international events, but the management has stated that no set price has yet been established for its rental.

John Ntigengwa, the Managing Director of QA Solutions Rwanda, explained that when the company was given the authority to manage the stadium, discussions were held with various stakeholders, including the Ministry of Sports, federations, and teams, and it was realized that the price for renting the stadium for events was too high. This led to the decision to differentiate prices based on the type of events held there.

'Since we started hosting events, we still don’t have a clear price for renting Stade Amahoro at this point for each team. We’ve been working with varying event prices, and the data from these trials will be used to determine the final rental rates,' he added.

Country Director of QA Venue Solutions Rwanda, John Ntigengwa at the press conference held on Monday.

Rental fees

QA Solutions Rwanda disclosed a meeting was scheduled on Tuesday, January 20, 2026, with the Rwanda Premier League (RPL), FERWAFA, and football teams to find a lasting solution to the pricing issue.

Ntigengwa mentioned that in previous discussions, teams suggested that the rental price for the stadium should be between Rwf3 million and Rwf5 million, and this is the direction they plan to follow.

He said, 'Stade Amahoro belongs to the Rwandan people, and it should be used by Rwandans. But to ensure that everyone contributes, we have found that working together is necessary. The government is always there to help us.'

He also clarified that historically, renting Amahoro Stadium was priced at Rwf 10 million , but it has now been reduced to Rwf3 million thanks to government subsidies. Additional costs for utilities like water, electricity, security, protocol, ambulances, and insurance for any possible incidents at the stadium also contribute to the final rental price.

The total rental cost for the stadium can rise, as evidenced through the match between APR FC and Rayon Sports in November 2025, where the rental cost alone was Rwf32 million, including Rwf 10 million for the stadium and additional costs for other services.

QA Solutions Rwanda has formed partnerships with companies involved in ticket sales, security, and protocol management to ensure services meet the required standards.

Ntigengwa stated that if a match is expected to have fewer attendees, thereby reducing the need for extensive security and protocol staff, the costs for teams would be adjusted accordingly.

Pricing for food and beverages

Since Amahoro Stadium’s renovation, fans have frequently complained about the high prices of food and drinks. For example, a bottle of water has been sold for Rwf 2,500, and coffee for Rwf 8,000, prices that are often three times higher than outside the stadium.

During the press conference, Ntigengwa explained that the selection of vendors for food and drink sales at the stadium is QA Solutions Rwanda’s responsibility, as they must comply with health and hygiene regulations.

Stade Amahoro has 35 designated vending spaces, including 14 on the lower level and 21 on the upper level, with 17 doors available for permanent sales, some of which have been allocated to sports organizations.

Regarding the prices, Ntigengwa said, 'This issue arose before we took over, but just recently, we faced a situation where someone was charging excessive prices for water. I personally spoke to the vendor and made it clear that such prices are unacceptable. Coffee is now priced between Rwf 3,000 and Rwf 4,000, not Rwf 8,000.'

Increased revenue

Jules Karangwa, the CEO of the Rwanda Premier League, mentioned that Tuesday’s meeting will be the third held between this organization and QA Solutions Rwanda to discuss cooperation.

He pointed out that athletes must understand that the stadium is now at an international standard, and although the rental price is higher than other local stadiums, it is justified by the upgraded facilities.

'The mindset must change. What people pay for events here is different from what they pay elsewhere. We are already discussing how to generate more revenue and increase income.'

He said, 'Mindsets need to change. What a person contributes to play at the stadium is different from what is paid elsewhere. Now the discussions are focused on how we manage expenses and increase revenue more effectively.'

Karangwa also highlighted the opportunities brought by Stade Amahoro’s renovation. In the past, it was hard to generate more than Rwf 400 million annually from the stadium, but since the renovation, the stadium has made Rwf 950 million.

The CEO of Rwanda Premier League, Jules Karangwa

The upgraded Amahoro Stadium was inaugurated in 2024.

IGIHE

A rapper and storyteller at heart, Kid’s music reflects the complexities of life, with his lyrics speaking to the everyday struggles, triumphs, and experiences of his community.

In an exclusive interview with IGIHE, Kid from Kigali, born Brian Kimonyo, takes viewers behind the scenes of his latest music video, 'Yububu,' featuring soulful vocalist Mike Kayihura. The footage captures the energy, hustle, and personality fans rarely see, while Kid also opens up about life beyond the music.

Released as part of his 2025 album Stories From The Kid, 'Yububu' highlights the chemistry between Kid from Kigali’s unique style and Mike Kayihura’s emotive R&B vocals. Produced by Rwandan talents G Flat and Bob Pro, the track’s polished production serves as a centrepiece for an album that explores personal themes of love, heartbreak, and the artist’s journey navigating the highs and lows of life.

A rapper and storyteller at heart, Kid’s music reflects the complexities of life.

Kid’s routine

Kid’s day begins at home, where he unwinds with some PlayStation before delving into the creative process. It’s an intimate peek into the daily life of an artist who is just as comfortable with the controller as he is with his pen.

'When I wake up, I make sure to pray and get some fresh air. If I feel inspired, I’ll start writing or call my producer to get to work,' Kid says, offering a glimpse of his calm morning routine.

But the day is far from predictable. As Kid’s schedule fills up, he balances studio sessions, interviews, and meetings with potential brands.

“Now that I’ve finished my album, I’m not going to the studio as much. But when I was wrapping up, I was in the studio every day,” he adds.

After a busy day of content creation and brand-building, Kid heads to the basketball court to clear his mind.

“Basketball is my way to stay grounded,” he explains.

Music and personal life intertwined

Despite his busy schedule, Kid still finds time to be a homebody, especially on weekends. “That’s when I can relax if I don’t have a show,” he admits.

When it comes to his music, Kid says, he always tries to remain authentic. He believes that life experiences are at the core of his creative process.

“The inspiration for my music comes from my stories and the life I live,” he explains.

His latest album, Stories From The Kid, reflects his growth as an artist and as a person.

The title of his album, Stories From The Kid, holds a special meaning for Kid from Kigali. 'I want everyone from where we’re from to feel represented, like any kid from Kigali, Nyamirambo, Nyamata… anywhere,' he says.

Now in his mid 20s, Kid has gained significant attention, with his music now reaching fans beyond Rwanda.

“Yububu”, a song for the girls

When it comes to creating his music videos, Kid ensures the visuals reflect the emotion of the track. For 'Yububu,' he says, 'I want to make it for the girls.'

Despite being three years old, Kid says he often looks to women for their take on music. 'Every time I play it for girls…I feel they’re usually the ones who predict what’s good and what’s not,' he adds.

Real life inspirations

Kid’s music isn’t just for entertainment; it’s a reflection of his life. From the struggles to the celebrations, his lyrics are rooted in real-world experiences.

“The tracks are from real-life experiences of heartbreak, confidence, and even moments of insecurity,” he says. His fans connect with his authenticity, as they can relate to the stories he tells. In fact, Kid believes that releasing an album allows fans to understand him on a deeper level.

'It’s way more. Because people can listen to a single, they’re like, 'Ah, this guy’s good.’ You can drop another single, they’re like, 'He’s good.’ But when you do a project, they get to understand you at a different level because you’re giving them different sides of yourself,' he explains.

One of Kid’s standout tracks, “Late Nights,” encapsulates this raw honesty. “It’s the only song in Rwanda telling people to go home,” he says. “Usually, everyone is telling you to go out, party, and stay out late. But I’m saying, go home and sleep. Kigali isn’t for the weak.”

The journey ahead

Now in his mid 20s, Kid has gained significant attention, with his music now reaching fans beyond Rwanda.

'Everything in music or in life is a journey. You have to stay patient… I stayed patient enough to get to the level where the things that I wrote are coming to life,' he reflects.

Although his visibility is growing and his streams are increasing, Kid remains humble about his progress.

'I still have a long way to go,' he says, acknowledging that the journey is far from over, with plenty of milestones yet to come.

For anyone starting out, Kid urges them to stay true to themselves and pursue their music with passion, even when the journey feels scary.

Catch the full story in the video below.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

Minister Nduhungirehe is leading a delegation of senior government officials at the 56th Annual Meeting of the WEF in Davos-Klosters, Switzerland, which kicked off on Monday, January 19, 2026. The officials include Minister of ICT & Innovation Paula Ingabire and Rwanda Development Board CEO Jean-Guy Afrika.

The forum, held under the theme ‘A Spirit of Dialogue’, has brought together more than 3,000 participants, including 65 heads of state and government, to discuss pressing global challenges.

'This Forum is a key global platform for engaging with policymakers and business leaders alike,' Nduhungirehe told The New Times. 'It also reflects Rwanda’s practical approach to diplomacy aimed at attracting investment and positioning ourselves as a reliable global partner.'

Rwanda has been actively participating in WEF annual meetings for many years as part of its strategy to engage global policymakers and investors. President Paul Kagame has attended multiple editions, including in 2013, 2017, 2019, and 2024.

Since 2020, Rwanda has hosted WEF’s Centre for the Fourth Industrial Revolution (C4IR), which focuses on artificial intelligence, data governance, digital identity, smart cities, and other emerging technologies. The country also hosted the World Economic Forum on Africa in 2016, reinforcing its role as a hub for innovation and investment on the continent.

This week, global leaders at WEF are discussing how to cooperate in an increasingly contested world, unlock new sources of growth, invest in people, deploy innovation at scale, and build prosperity within planetary boundaries.

Minister Ingabire is slated to participate in a panel titled At the Cusp of Healthcare for All, alongside Bill Gates and Peter Sands of the Global Fund, focusing on scaling solutions to strengthen global health systems.

The annual WEF meeting remains the world’s leading marketplace of ideas, where private negotiations, informal discussions, and strategic engagements take place behind closed doors, shaping the global economic and political agenda.

Rwanda’s participation in the World Economic Forum highlights its practical approach to diplomacy, says Foreign Affairs Minister Olivier Nduhungirehe.

IGIHE

The activities commenced with the reconstruction of houses for local residents affected by Hurricane Melissa, marking the start of practical humanitarian and engineering support to impacted communities.

The joint effort reflects close coordination between the two defence forces in support of Jamaica’s recovery and rebuilding process.

Through combined technical expertise in construction, RDF and JDF engineers are restoring damaged houses’ structures to improve living conditions for affected families.

According to the RDF Engineer contingent Commander, Col Moses Kayigamba, the mission goes beyond infrastructure repair, highlighting the importance of solidarity with the people of Jamaica and contributing to long-term resilience.

He confirmed that the reconstruction works are carried out in support of Jamaican local authorities and JDF ensuring that the support provided aligns with Jamaican priorities and the national recovery process.

The deployment of the RDF Engineer Contingent to Jamaica underscores Rwanda’s commitment to international solidarity, cooperation, and humanitarian assistance in response to natural disasters.

The Rwanda Defence Force (RDF) Engineer Contingent in collaboration with engineers from the Jamaica Defence Force (JDF), have officially launched joint reconstruction works in Montego Bay City.

Through combined technical expertise in construction, RDF and JDF engineers are restoring damaged houses’ structures to improve living conditions for affected families.

The activities commenced with the reconstruction of houses for local residents affected by Hurricane Melissa.

The joint effort reflects close coordination between the two defence forces in support of Jamaica’s recovery and rebuilding process.

IGIHE

The minister made the remarks on January 19, 2026, during a discussion with senators on the progress of the livestock sector in Rwanda.

He said developing livestock farming requires increasing the volume of animal feed produced locally, which would help lower prices and reduce reliance on imports.

The government is continuing to invest in livestock development, including cattle, small livestock, and aquaculture, with the goal of increasing overall production.

Farmers are being supported to access improved breeds. In cattle farming, particular emphasis is being placed on increasing the number of improved breeds that produce higher milk yields and quality meat.

To accelerate the spread of improved breeds, the government plans to introduce advanced livestock technologies, including embryo transfer, which allows cattle to reproduce using transferred embryos.

Fish production is projected to rise from 52,000 tonnes in 2025 to 77,000 tonnes by 2029, while egg production is expected to increase from 17,000 tonnes in 2024 to 21,000 tonnes.

Dr. Ndabamenye stressed that growth in livestock numbers must go hand in hand with increased availability of affordable animal feed.

'Some of the inputs used in animal feed are sourced locally, but others are imported. To close this gap, we must strengthen local supply so that imports are reduced,' he said.

He noted that imported feed inputs often push prices up due to transport and other costs, making them unaffordable for many farmers.

Although Rwanda already has animal feed processing plants, the minister said many are operating far below capacity and need to be strengthened to meet national demand.

'Most of them operate at only between 32% and 60% of their capacity. That is not satisfactory if we want to ensure sufficient animal feed,' he said.

He added that while some raw materials may still need to be imported, the volumes can be significantly reduced. The government is pursuing two major strategies: increasing crop production—since agriculture must feed both people and livestock—and strengthening collaboration with the private sector to improve efficiency in feed production.

According to the minister, enabling feed factories to operate at 80% to 90% of their capacity would significantly boost output. He also pointed to the importance of establishing storage facilities across the country for raw materials destined for animal feed processing.

Industrial animal feed production largely relies on by-products from maize, soybean, sugarcane, and other agro-processing industries.

Rwanda aims to ensure these by-products are properly stored and sold domestically, instead of being exported and later re-imported in the form of expensive animal feed.

Figures from the Ministry of Agriculture and Animal Resources (MINAGRI) show that maize by-products amounted to 38,044 tonnes in 2024 and are expected to reach 70,560 tonnes by 2029.

Rice by-products are projected to rise from 859,516 tonnes to 1.3 million tonnes over the same period, while sugar industry by-products are expected to increase from 2,726 tonnes to 7,098 tonnes.

'We want a system that ensures farmers have access to sufficient animal feed,' Dr. Ndabamenye said. 'We are working to improve investment frameworks and ensure that industrial by-products are channelled back into livestock farming, while strictly observing quality standards—because poor-quality feed leads to losses.'

Senator Pelagie Uwera and Senator Dr. Leatitia Nyinawamwiza highlighted that the quality of animal feed remains a major concern and called for stronger oversight to ensure standards are met.

The Minister of Agriculture and Animal Resources, Dr. Telesphore Ndabamenye, has said that Rwanda is stepping up efforts to reduce the high cost and limited supply of animal feed by boosting domestic production.

IGIHE