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On a month-to-month basis, output climbed 53.4 percent from July 2025, according to the National Institute of Statistics of Rwanda (NISR). The figures highlight rising demand from infrastructure and real estate projects.

Although construction activity itself is not directly measured in the Industrial Production Index (IIP), its impact is evident. Strong building demand is lifting production of materials.

The subsector’s gross value added (GVA) grew from Frw 22.4 billion in 2017 to Frw 68.1 billion in 2024, an increase of 204 percent. In 2024, non-metallic minerals accounted for about 6 percent of total industrial GVA and nearly 9 percent within manufacturing.

Electricity generation, a critical input for cement kilns and ceramics, rose 7 percent year-on-year in August 2025. This growth supported the expansion in mineral products output.

Key manufacturers

CIMERWA Plc, based in Rusizi District, operates Rwanda’s largest integrated cement plant, with a capacity of about 600,000 tonnes per year. It exports cement to neighbouring markets such as the Democratic Republic of Congo and Burundi.

In July 2024, CIMERWA acquired Prime Cement Ltd’s operational assets in an off-market deal while the government kept Prime Cement’s outstanding liabilities.

Prime Cement had been operating a modern plant in Musanze District, making product lines such as Ramba 42.5N and Rutare 32.5N. After the acquisition, these assets fall under CIMERWA’s control.

ANJIA Prefabricated Construction Rwanda, inaugurated in August 2023 in Muhanga District, represents a new generation of producers. The company combines prefabricated systems with cement-based components to serve the fast-growing infrastructure sector.

Together, these firms illustrate Rwanda’s strategy of promoting import substitution and value addition in building materials.

Experts note that this growth could accelerate further if upcoming large-scale housing programs, industrial parks, and public works proceed as scheduled. For manufacturers, it represents a critical opportunity to invest in cleaner technologies and value addition, ensuring Rwanda’s 'cement boom' becomes a sustainable driver of long-term industrialisation.

CIMERWA Plc, based in Rusizi District, operates Rwanda’s largest integrated cement plant, with a capacity of about 600,000 tonnes per year. It exports cement to neighbouring markets such as the Democratic Republic of Congo and Burundi.

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The fighting began early in the morning in Luke, where residents reported hearing mortar fire as M23 attempted to retake positions it had abandoned a month earlier.

'We have nowhere to go. This morning we heard the sound of mortars, that’s how it started. It’s M23 and Wazalendo fighting,' a resident told reporters.

After being forced out of Luke, Wazalendo fighters retreated south to Ngululu but also lost Mulema. Both areas fall within Nyamaboko 1 groupement.

Clashes the same day were also reported in Kazinga, near the border between Masisi and Walikale territories, and in Kibandamangobo forest in Shabunda territory, South Kivu. In Shabunda, M23 fought Wazalendo forces backed by the Congolese army (FARDC). Observers say the towns of Shabunda and Mwenga could be affected by the ongoing fighting.

The escalation comes as Qatar pushes to mediate between the Congolese government and the AFC/M23 coalition, under peace principles signed on July 29, 2025. Negotiations are expected this week in Doha, with delegations set to discuss measures including prisoner releases.

Fighters of the M23 rebel group on Monday, October 6, 2025, captured the areas of Luke and Mulema in Masisi territory after heavy clashes with the pro-government Wazalendo militia, according to local sources.

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Gen (Rtd) James Kabarebe once recalled that had President Paul Kagame not stepped in at that critical moment, the liberation struggle might have ended entirely, as the army had just lost its commander.

Reflecting on those early days, Gen (Rtd) Fred Ibingira also emphasized that Kagame’s decision to take command became a turning point that ultimately led them to victory.

'The man found us in Kagitumba, each of us looking for a way to flee again […] the war had overwhelmed us. Soon, he arrived and found everyone wide-eyed, discouraged, and demoralized,' he noted.

President Kagame himself, also reflected on the situation described by Gen (Rtd) James Kabarebe and Gen (Rtd) Fred Ibingira.

He highlighted that the state in which he found the soldiers may have been among the worst things he has ever witnessed in his life, alongside the Genocide against the Tutsi.

Kagame once highlighted that the state in which he found the soldiers may have been among the worst things he has ever witnessed in his life, alongside the Genocide against the Tutsi.

In the book A Thousand Hills: Rwanda’s Rebirth and the Man Who Dreamed It by Stephen Kinzer, it is noted that Kagame was deeply shaken by what he saw when he arrived at the battlefield.

In a series of interviews the author held with President Kagame in 2006 and 2007, he said: 'It was totally disorganized. The first sight was probably the worst I have ever seen, that and the genocide; things that have made a mark in my life, my mind, things that probably changed my life forever.These two things never go away. I live with them. . . .,' he said.

At that time, President Kagame said he immediately called commanders for a meeting to decide how the war could continue.

'They were terribly demoralized, even that was an understatement. They were not even thinking. It was a devastation,' he said.

The book titled,The Struggle for Liberation: War and Militarism in African History by John Burton Kegel, shows that there were many reasons proving Kagame was the only one capable of restoring the army’s confidence and keeping the liberation struggle alive.

Beyond that, his experience working in military intelligence within the Ugandan army gave him exceptional access to information that others could not obtain, a critical advantage for the campaign launched by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF-Inkotanyi) and its army wing, RPA.

Upon arrival from military training in the U.S., President Kagame said he immediately called commanders for a meeting to decide how the war could continue.

Admiration in the Ugandan army

Besides being known in the RPA as a man who did not tolerate mistakes and as someone with deep military knowledge, Lt Gen (Rtd) Caesar Kayizari once said Kagame had already built a strong reputation in Uganda’s National Resistance Army (NRA).

His track record on the battlefield was so solid that whenever there was a problem, people trusted things would be resolved if he showed up.

He said, 'Even in the NRA they used to say, 'If Kagame has come, everything will be solved.’'

Kagame’s return from the United States brought a turning point in the liberation struggle. The RPA shifted from conventional warfare to guerrilla and mobile warfare.

Gen (Rtd) Kabarebe once explained it clearly: “At first, we engaged in conventional warfare, fighting almost like terrorists. Habyarimana’s forces would take positions on hills with anti-aircraft guns, machine guns, tanks, ambushes and air support, while we advanced with our small arms confidently, until we reached their heavy weapons. Many died. This was in Mutara, a wide-open area, where you could be targeted from three to four kilometers away before even getting close.'

“That’s why the Zairians said the RPA were terrorists […] and frankly, it was true at the time. The Commander-in-Chief changed the tactics from conventional warfare to guerrilla and mobile warfare, hit-and-run attacks, striking the enemy where he least expects, firing from where he cannot see you, hitting at night, at dawn, on the move, confusing the enemy.'

The first operation under this new tactic was the attack on Gatuna in early November, led by Col (Rtd) Twahirwa Ludovic, known as Dodo.

It was a highly organized assault that greatly boosted morale among the troops, especially those who were just entering the battle and had not witnessed the chaos of the early days.

Kagame’s arrival boosted soldiers’ morale.

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The High Military Court sentenced Kabila to death in absentia on September 30, 2025, after finding him guilty of treason, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and leading an unauthorised armed group.

The court stated that Kabila is the leader of the AFC/M23 rebel coalition, which it claims controls large parts of North Kivu and South Kivu provinces, and that the alleged crimes were committed under his command in those regions.

Monsignor Fulgence Muteba Mugalu, President of the National Episcopal Conference of Congo (CENCO), speaking on behalf of the Catholic bishops on October 6, invoked scripture to remind the country’s leadership that only God has the authority to end a human life.

'We were deeply alarmed by the decision of the High Military Court of Kinshasa following the rushed criminal trial of Joseph Kabila, a former president who has now been sentenced to death,' said Monsignor Muteba.

He argued that the case is politically motivated and urged the DRC government to address the country’s crises through inclusive political dialogue.

'For our part, while our country is in the midst of war and insecurity, we continue to affirm that inclusive dialogue is the best path to resolve the root causes of these challenges and to restore unity, peace, coexistence, and the sovereignty of our nation,' he said.

He added that such dialogue is urgently needed given the seriousness of the situation and its impact on the Congolese people.

The Catholic Church emphasised that for a sustainable solution to the DRC’s long-standing problems, political dialogue must involve all key actors, including those who have taken up arms and those who have not.

The High Military Court sentenced Kabila to death in absentia on September 30, 2025.

Senior Catholic bishops have urged the DRC government to engage in dialogue with the opposition.

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Ciro Quispe López, 51, the bishop of Juli, stepped down following an investigation that revealed some of his alleged lovers had nearly come to blows upon discovering each other’s involvement.

Paola Ugaz, a Peruvian journalist, described the situation as 'a real soap opera' in an interview with The Times.

She explained that a nun who was one of López’s lovers became jealous of a lawyer he was also seeing, sending information about the bishop’s affairs to a third woman, which resulted in a physical confrontation. Ugaz added that many of the 17 women were too frightened to come forward due to fear of López.

The scandal came to light after López reportedly sent photos and videos intended for his mistresses to his cleaning lady, who filed a complaint with the Catholic Church. The Vatican subsequently reviewed voice notes, photos, and videos linked to the bishop.

López has denied the allegations, claiming they are part of a defamation campaign orchestrated by 'dark hands.'

In addition to the sexual misconduct allegations, López was reportedly under investigation for embezzling church funds. He is said to have taken chairs from church property to furnish a chicken restaurant chain, Patas Arriba, in which he reportedly held a financial stake.

The Vatican accepted López’s resignation early last month, more than 20 years before the mandatory retirement age of 75 for bishops.

Ciro Quispe López resigned from his prestigious post following an investigation by the Vatican.

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The witness made the request during an appeal trial on October 6, 2025, before the Court of Assizes on appeal in France.

The witness, presented by the civil parties, appeared via video conference from Kigali, accompanied by an interpreter.

The woman, born in 1953, recounted that during the genocide, her husband was arrested and imprisoned in a place known as 'Maison 60' for one day before being transferred to the Tumba sector office where other Tutsi were detained.

She said Dr. Munyemana was the one responsible for keeping the keys to the detention site after he had replaced the sector leader, Bwanakeye.

Later, a vehicle belonging to the commune, nicknamed 'Ruhumbangegera,' came and transported those detained at the sector office to the office of the then-prosecutor, Sebushishi.

According to the witness, they were subsequently taken to the local gendarmerie where they were severely beaten before being moved to an unknown execution site.

'I don’t know the location. On this matter, I would ask Munyemana to tell us where the bodies of our loved ones were taken so we can bury them decently. I am sure he knows where they are because he played a major role in what happened there,' she said.

The witness explained that during the genocide, her national ID card identified her as Hutu because she was born to a Hutu father and Tutsi mother. She and her husband had eight children, but one died after the genocide.

When asked by Dr. Munyemana’s defense lawyers if she knew him personally before the genocide, she said she had only heard his name frequently at the time but came to know more about him later during the Gacaca courts.

Other witnesses have continued to testify, linking Dr. Munyemana to the killings of Tutsi detained at the Tumba sector office.

In December 2023, the Paris Assize Court found Dr. Munyemana guilty of genocide charges, crimes against humanity and participation in a conspiracy to prepare those crimes, sentencing him to 24 years in prison. He appealed the verdict.

His appeal trial began on September 16, 2025, and is expected to conclude on October 24.

In December 2023, the Paris Assize Court found Dr. Munyemana guilty of genocide charges, crimes against humanity and participation in a conspiracy to prepare those crimes, sentencing him to 24 years in prison.

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The ruling is a significant setback for Google, which had asked the court to block orders stemming from its high-stakes antitrust battle with Fortnite maker Epic Games.

The case began in 2020 when Epic accused Google of abusing its dominant position in the mobile app market by forcing developers to use Google’s in-app payment system, which charges commissions of up to 30 percent, and by restricting the distribution of apps outside the Play Store.

In 2023, a U.S. jury sided with Epic, finding that Google’s practices were anti-competitive. U.S. District Judge James Donato later issued a sweeping injunction aimed at opening Android’s app ecosystem to more competition.

Under the new rules, developers will be allowed to offer direct payment options within their apps, bypassing Google’s in-app billing system. Google will also have to make it easier for users to download apps and updates from alternative app stores or directly from developers.

Some of these changes, including enabling external payment links, could take effect within weeks, while more structural reforms, such as full access for rival app stores, are expected to roll out by July 2026.

Google expressed disappointment over the Supreme Court’s decision, warning it could compromise the security of Android users.

'We remain concerned that these changes could create significant risks for consumers, including exposure to malware and scams,' Google said in a statement. Epic Games, however, welcomed the decision.

'This is a step toward a fairer, more competitive mobile ecosystem,' the company said, adding that developers will now have greater freedom to reach users and offer cheaper payment solutions.

The decision could set a precedent for tech giants as regulators worldwide push for fairer digital markets. It mirrors similar moves in Europe, where the Digital Markets Act has compelled Apple to loosen restrictions on iOS app distribution.

For millions of Android users and developers, the ruling promises more choice, potentially lower app prices, and faster innovation, though Google warns of potential trade-offs in safety and reliability.

The United States Supreme Court has declined to pause a landmark injunction requiring Google to overhaul its Play Store, paving the way for sweeping changes that could reshape how millions of Android users download and pay for apps.

Rania Umutoni

Vehicle emissions contribute heavily to air pollution in Rwanda, accounting for about 40% of pollutants, according to the Rwanda Environment Management Authority (REMA). To address this, Auto24, known for promoting eco-friendly vehicles, partnered with Kimu Transport to provide hybrid cars, with payment arranged in instalments.

Ivan Ruzibiza, Country Manager at Auto24, said the partnership was driven by a shared commitment to supporting the government’s policy to reduce polluting vehicles.

'We partnered with Kimu Transport because they share our mission to promote the use of electric and hybrid vehicles in Rwanda, in line with the government’s vision,' Ruzibiza said.

He added that the vehicles delivered are part of the first phase, with plans to supply fully electric vehicles in the next phase. The hybrid models are expected to reduce fuel consumption, saving money for drivers.

'Typically, a passenger car consumes about 10 to 12 litres of petrol, but these Toyota vehicles will use only 4 to 5 litres. This allows drivers to save money, which they can reinvest in improving their livelihoods and supporting their families,' Ruzibiza explained.

Jean Pierre Nkunziryayo, CEO of Kimu Transport, welcomed the partnership, highlighting both financial and environmental benefits.

'We are delighted to receive these vehicles that align with the government’s push for cleaner transport and will also help us reduce fuel costs,' Nkunziryayo said.

The vehicles provided are Toyota Corolla Levin Plug-in Hybrids. The World Health Organisation (WHO) notes that air pollution poses significant health risks, particularly to pregnant women, children, and people with chronic illnesses, and is linked to lung cancer, heart disease, asthma, and other respiratory conditions.

Kimu Transport drivers expressed enthusiasm about operating the new hybrid vehicles. The handover ceremony also included an exchange of gifts between both parties.

The Toyota Levin is one of the models supplied to Kimu Transport by Auto24.

Tesla vehicles are part of Auto24’s offerings in the Rwandan market.

Auto24 was the first company to introduce Tesla vehicles in Rwanda.

Auto24 offers a variety of electric SUV models.

Ivan Ruzibiza, Country Manager at Auto24, said the partnership with Kimu Transport reflects their shared commitment to supporting the government’s drive to reduce vehicle pollution.

Jean Pierre Nkunziryayo, CEO of Kimu Transport, welcomed the partnership, highlighting both financial and environmental benefits.

Drivers at Kimu Transport expressed enthusiasm about operating environmentally friendly vehicles.

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The announcement was made in Kigali on Tuesday during a meeting convened by the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning (MINECOFIN), in partnership with the World Bank and the World Food Programme, to review strategies for disaster preparedness and response.

Speaking at the event, Ngoga Aristarque, Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Emergency Management (MINEMA), said Rwanda continues to face challenges in responding to severe disasters, often requiring funds to be diverted from other planned activities. He noted that the new support will help the country bridge critical gaps.

'While the national budget allocates resources for disaster response, unpredictable and large-scale disasters can quickly strain available funds. In the past, we had to reallocate resources from other programs, which affected implementation. This new mechanism will allow Rwanda to access emergency funding more quickly,' Ngoga said.

He added that the 2023 disasters highlighted the need for stronger resilience, as the country still requires an estimated $451 million to fully support affected communities two years later.

According to Ngoga, the new World Bank financing will reduce the shortfall between available and required resources, as Rwanda currently has less than half of the funding needed to address the impact of major disasters.

Kabera Godfrey, Minister of State for the National Treasury at MINECOFIN, said disasters such as floods, landslides, and earthquakes cost the country about $145 million each year. Between 2013 and 2023, disasters and droughts alone reduced Rwanda’s GDP by 1.75 percent, with projections showing losses could rise to 3.25 percent without intervention.

'To address these risks, Rwanda has introduced mechanisms including the National Disaster Risk Fund, quick-access credit facilities, and insurance solutions to help mitigate losses. These measures ensure that funds for other national priorities are not diverted to disaster response,' Kabera said.

Kabera Godfrey, Minister of State for the National Treasury at MINECOFIN, said disasters such as floods, landslides, and earthquakes cost the country about $145 million each year.

Various stakeholders attended the meeting that discussed Rwanda’s capacity to mobilize resources for disaster management.

Kabera Godfrey, Minister of State for the National Treasury at MINECOFIN, said disasters such as floods, landslides, and earthquakes cost the country about $145 million each year.

Ngoga Aristarque, Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Emergency Management (MINEMA), said Rwanda continues to face challenges in responding to severe disasters, often requiring funds to be diverted from other planned activities.

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The attack on Al-Zurq market has drawn sharp condemnation across Sudan and renewed questions about the widening use of foreign-supplied weapons in the country’s war.

Eyewitnesses said the strike hit the market at its busiest hour. when vendors and shoppers from across the state had gathered.

Survivors described the assault as targeted and racially motivated, deepening fears in a region scarred by years of ethnic violence.

Sudanese groups including the United Civil Forces Alliance (Qimam), the National Human Rights Observatory, and the Foundational Sudan Alliance (Ta’sis) condemned the attack.

They said Turkish-made Akıncı drones, produced by Baykar, were used. All three organizations demanded accountability for those behind the strike.

The Sudanese army has relied on drone warfare in Darfur and Kordofan. It denies hitting civilian areas. Yet marketplaces, hospitals, and homes have been repeatedly bombed.

The gap between official statements and civilian suffering continues to widen.

The groups went further, pledging to hold not only Sudanese commanders but also Baykar itself responsible.

They cited company executives Haluk and Selçuk Bayraktar by name, reflecting growing pressure on international arms suppliers linked to the war.

The Washington Post reported earlier this year that Baykar secretly delivered at least $120 million worth of drones and missiles to Sudan in 2024.

Evidence included text messages, recordings, and financial documents. The shipments, according to the report, were supervised directly inside Sudan.

This strike follows a legal push at the International Criminal Court.

The Sudanese Rights Alliance filed a case last week, accusing senior army commanders of war crimes. Rights groups say aerial strikes on civilian areas fit a consistent pattern of abuses.

Western powers have already responded with sanctions. The United States targeted Sudan’s army, the Islamist Al-Baraa Ibn Malik Battalion, and Finance Minister Jibril Ibrahim. The European Union sanctioned the Sudanese Air Force and extended the measures through 2026.

For civilians in Darfur, these actions have yet to change daily reality. The war, which erupted in April 2023, continues to devastate communities.

Each strike, like the one on Al-Zurq, reinforces the sense of abandonment among survivors.

The attack is not an isolated event. It is another chapter in a conflict that has systematically eroded civilian life.

Markets, homes, and hospitals are now recurring battlegrounds, leaving little space untouched by violence.

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