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As they grew older, the two took different paths, Col Makanika pursued a military career, while Dr. Mugabe focused on academics. Both made significant strides in their respective fields.

When Dr. Mugabe learned of Col Makanika’s death recently, he was deeply saddened, as he had remained a close friend despite their differing career choices.

In an interview with IGIHE, Dr. Mugabe reflected on Col Makanika’s death and discussed in detail the ongoing violence and persecution of the Tutsi people in eastern DRC.

He also questioned why the international community has failed to learn from Rwanda’s history and warned of the consequences should the M23 rebel group withdraw.

Dr. Mugabe described Col Makanika as a man of determination and integrity. They had known each other since childhood, growing up as neighbors in the Fizi Territory after Makanika’s family moved there from Uvira.

Their friendship spanned from the age of 12 until their mid-20s. In 1995, Makanika joined the military while Mugabe pursued higher education, but they remained in touch over the years. According to Dr. Mugabe, Col Makanika was a fearless leader who stood against injustice.

Despite holding a prominent position in the Congolese military, he chose to leave and join his people in their fight for survival. He was targeted and eventually killed in his home after being pursued by government forces for some time.

Dr. Mugabe described Col Makanika as a man of determination and integrity.

Regarding the Twirwaneho movement, Dr. Mugabe emphasized that it had been active for many years, contrary to claims that it only emerged in 2017. It originated as a grassroots self-defense initiative when the Banyamulenge faced massacres in the Mulenge and Minembwe hills.

Over time, as the attacks intensified, Twirwaneho evolved into a structured armed group. Col Makanika joined in 2020 and significantly strengthened the movement by attracting disillusioned soldiers from the Congolese army who could no longer tolerate the government’s persecution of their families.

Dr. Mugabe strongly believes that fears of an impending genocide against the Tutsi in DRC are well-founded. He pointed out that mass killings are already occurring, with victims targeted solely based on their ethnicity.

He likened the situation to the early stages of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, citing systematic displacement, land seizures, and government complicity in the violence. He also noted the presence of hate speech, including inflammatory rhetoric from high-ranking officials, which fuels ethnic division and dehumanization.

The spread of genocide ideology has also reached Burundi, where Tutsi and those perceived as Tutsi have been detained solely due to their ethnic identity. Dr. Mugabe warned that such ideologies are not constrained with national borders, making it easy for them to spread from one country to another.

The international community, he argued, has failed to take meaningful action because it has not learned from history. Despite the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi occurring 30 years ago, major global powers and organizations have turned a blind eye to the warning signs in DRC. Instead of addressing the root causes of the conflict, Dr. Mugabe said, they issue vague statements and avoid taking concrete steps to dismantle genocidal ideologies.

If the M23 rebels were to withdraw, Dr. Mugabe warned, it would put Tutsi communities at even greater risk. He noted that M23 has been framed as an extension of a broader Tutsi agenda to dominate the region, a narrative widely propagated by political leaders and the media. In reality, he argued, if M23 steps back, Tutsi civilians would become easy targets, and ethnic massacres would escalate to catastrophic levels.

Makanika led the Twirwaneho armed group advocating for the rights of the Banyamulenge community in the Democratic Republic of the Congo prior to his demise.

Dr. Mugabe criticized the international community’s reluctance to pressure the DRC government into peace negotiations. He attributed this to the vested interests of powerful nations that prioritize their economic and political ties with Congo over the lives of innocent civilians.

He also pointed to President Félix Tshisekedi’s strategic efforts to misrepresent the conflict to the international community, shaping perceptions that align with his government’s agenda.

He questioned why the Congolese government refuses to engage in peace talks. “If someone rejects dialogue, it clearly shows a lack of willingness to resolve the conflict peacefully. Why would anyone fear peace negotiations?” he wondered.

Dr. Mugabe concluded by stressing that unless the root causes of the violence are addressed, the crisis will persist.

He urged global leaders to take proactive measures to foster peaceful coexistence rather than allowing conflicts to continue, leading to generational hatred and suffering. If the world does not act, he warned, history will repeat itself, with devastating consequences for the entire region.

Dr. Mugabe strongly believes that fears of an impending genocide against the Tutsi in DRC are well-founded.

IGIHE

The center was officially opened by David Lappartient, President of the International Cycling Union (UCI), alongside Yao Yao Allah-Kouamé, President of the African Cycling Confederation (CAC), Rwanda’s Minister of Sports, Nelly Mukazayire, and the President of the Rwanda Cycling Federation (FERWACY), Ndayishimiye Samson.

The inauguration took place at Amahoro Stadium, just before the start of the 2025 Tour du Rwanda, which was attended by President Paul Kagame.

Kagame flagged off the first stage of the race, where cyclists competed in an individual time trial.

The establishment of this UCI-affiliated cycling training center in Rwanda has been in development for nearly six years. Initially, it was planned to be set up at the Africa Rising Cycling Center in Musanze.

The center aims to promote cycling in Rwanda and neighboring countries by providing training for cyclists, coaches, race commissioners, and other stakeholders. It will operate in the districts of Musanze, Rwamagana, and Bugesera, each serving a specific purpose.

Musanze will host high-altitude training, accommodations, and educational facilities.

Bugesera, located near the soon-to-be-completed international airport, will provide a space for road circuit races, pump track training, and learning facilities.

Rwamagana has been selected as a hub for developing women’s cycling, as its terrain is well-suited for circuit racing.

This Rwandan Satellite Center joins the Paarl facility in South Africa as one of Africa’s only UCI-recognized training centers.

The UCI has established similar centers in China, New Zealand, Canada, Trinidad & Tobago, Japan, South Korea, India, and Portugal.

In September 2025, Rwanda will make history as the first African country to host the UCI Road World Championships, further solidifying its position as an emerging powerhouse in international cycling.

IGIHE

According to SAF spokesman Nabil Abdalla, mobile forces successfully reopened access to El Obeid, linking up with Al-Hajana units already stationed in the city.

Meanwhile, army forces advancing from White Nile State reportedly eliminated militia resistance and secured al-Gitaina.

The statement also noted that SAF units had moved from Al-Rahad, a city recaptured six days prior, to El Obeid, which had been besieged by the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) since the conflict erupted.

El Obeid is a vital trade and agricultural hub, with a major oil pipeline running through it from South Sudan to Port Sudan.

The Sudanese army has recently claimed significant territorial gains against the RSF, including the full takeover of Kafouri in Bahri on February 17, which was the RSF’s last stronghold in the city.

The ongoing war between the SAF and RSF, which began in April 2023, has led to a devastating humanitarian crisis, with international reports estimating over 29,600 deaths.

The Sudanese Armed Forces announced on Sunday that they have lifted the blockade on El Obeid, the capital of North Kordofan State, and regained control of al-Gitaina in White Nile State.

IGIHE

The potential threat emerged while Flight 292 was flying over the Caspian Sea. In response, the aircraft changed course and headed toward Rome’s Fiumicino Airport. It was escorted by two Eurofighter jets from the Italian Air Force to ensure a secure landing.

American Airlines later confirmed that the bomb threat, which was received via email, was determined to be unfounded.

The Boeing 787-9 Dreamliner, carrying 199 passengers and 15 crew members, is scheduled to continue its journey on Monday.

American Airlines flight rerouted to Rome on Sunday due to bomb threat.

IGIHE

This year’s exhibition was officially inaugurated by the President of France, Emmanuel Macron.

Representing Rwanda at SIA 2025 are the National Agricultural Export Development Board (NAEB), the Rwanda Development Board (RDB), the Rwandan Embassy in France, and more than 28 companies involved in agricultural trade and exports.

Rwanda’s agricultural sector has seen substantial growth in exports, with total revenue reaching $3.2 billion (over 4.3 trillion Rwandan Francs) between 2020 and 2024, according to the National Agricultural Export Development Board (NAEB).

As one of the world’s leading agricultural trade fairs, SIA offers Rwandan businesses a prime opportunity to showcase their high-quality products, forge new market connections, and promote the country’s agricultural sector on an international stage.

Among the participating companies are Kinazi Cassava, represented by Ann Christin Ishimwe, Tropi Wanda Ltd, Effective M&N, ABCD Great Life Ltd, Best in Rwanda, 3N Farms, Hobe Coffee Company Ltd, Ino Coffee Series, Coopac Ltd, Rwanda Farmers Coffee Company Ltd, Mahembe Coffee, Rixu Coffee, and Agrismat.

The 2024 edition of the fair, which marked its 60th anniversary, attracted over 600,000 visitors from various countries, highlighting the event’s significance for global agricultural trade.

As SIA 2025 unfolds, expectations remain high for professionals, producers, and the public to explore innovations and trends shaping the future of agriculture.

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Karirima Aimable Ngarambe

In a detailed opinion piece published in South Africa’s Sunday Times, Kabila reflects on the fleeting optimism of 2019, when the DRC celebrated its first peaceful transfer of power, only to see it collapse under Tshisekedi’s leadership.

'At the beginning of 2019, Africa and the world celebrated the first peaceful transfer of power in the Democratic Republic of Congo,' Kabila writes. 'However, the optimism was short-lived as President Félix Tshisekedi soon dismantled the agreement that had underpinned the transition.'

Since then, he argues, the country has deteriorated, with the ongoing war threatening not only the DRC but the stability of the entire region.

Kabila points to the escalating conflict in eastern DRC, particularly the resurgence of the M23 rebel group since 2021, as a symptom of deeper failures. He dismisses the government’s narrative that the crisis hinges solely on M23 or tensions with Rwanda as 'misleading.'

Instead, he insists, 'The crisis… is multifaceted. It is not just a security and humanitarian emergency but also a political, social, and ethical one.'

Kabila also pokes holes in Tshisekedi’s 'systematic dismantling of the Republican Pact,' the 2006 constitution born from the Sun City dialogue.

'The pact had provided a foundation for stability, enabling the country to end years of civil war, reunify, hold democratic elections, and witness its first peaceful transfer of power,' he notes.

Yet, under Tshisekedi, this progress has been undone through 'violating the constitution, conducting fraudulent elections in December 2023, and consolidating absolute power.'

The former president accuses Tshisekedi of plunging the DRC into 'severe democratic backsliding,' with political opposition silenced through 'intimidation, arbitrary arrests, extrajudicial killings, and forced exile of politicians, journalists, and religious leaders.'

Economically, he warns, 'The national debt, which had been stabilised in 2010, has surged once again, raising concerns about the country’s financial future.'

Kabila argues that military solutions alone—such as those backed by the Southern African Development Community (SADC)—cannot resolve the crisis without addressing its root causes.

'Any attempt to resolve the crisis without addressing its root causes—namely, the governance failures under Tshisekedi—will be futile,' he writes. 'Human rights violations, constitutional breaches, and military crackdowns on civilians will persist even if negotiations with Rwanda are concluded or if M23 is defeated militarily.'

He urges SADC and the international community, particularly South Africa, to reconsider their approach.

'Given the histories of its member states, SADC should recognise this reality,' Kabila asserts. 'The grievances of the Congolese people against their government must be acknowledged and addressed. If not, the country will face continued political turmoil, insecurity, institutional instability, and possibly another civil war.'

Kabila maintains that the current conflict can only be fully addressed through a broader solution.

'A lasting solution requires more than just military support—it demands efforts to restore democracy, peace, and stability. Wasting resources on propping up a dictatorship only prolongs the suffering of the Congolese people.”

'The international community, particularly South Africa, must decide whether it will continue supporting a tyrannical regime or championing the democratic aspirations of the people of the DRC.'

Kabila served as the fourth President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo from 2001 to 2019. His remarks come just days after Tshisekedi accused him of colluding with M23 rebels to destabilise Congo.

Former President Joseph Kabila has issued a scathing critique of Félix Tshisekedi’s administration, warning that the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is sliding toward collapse under what he calls a tyrannical regime.

IGIHE

South Africa had deployed over 2,900 troops as part of the Southern African Development Community Mission in the DRC (SAMIRDC). They were joined by forces from Malawi and Tanzania, alongside Burundian troops, fighting alongside the FARDC, Wazalendo militias, and European mercenaries.

However, M23 fighters overwhelmed them, killing 14 South African soldiers, capturing Goma, and surrounding the remaining troops. Two soldiers from Malawi and two others from Tanzania also died during the clashes in Sake and Goma, the capital of North Kivu Province.

Following these losses, South Africa’s Parliament has been pressuring President Cyril Ramaphosa to withdraw the troops, arguing that they are being sacrificed in a foreign conflict for the benefit of private interests.

AFC/M23 spokesperson Lawrence Kanyuka recently told the media that it was time for South African troops stationed at the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO) bases to leave, as they had been offered safe passage through Rwanda.

He stated that Rwanda is the only viable route, as the airport in Goma remains closed after the group shut it down, accusing the Congolese government of using it to load and deploy bombs against civilian populations. He also added that the airport is not safe to use due to unexploded ordnance and a damaged runway.

'We informed them that they can return home via Rwanda. We have no issue with that. Even though they are stationed at MONUSCO bases, they must leave.'

Reports indicate that 189 South African soldiers, including five in critical condition and two expectant women, are set to be evacuated through the Rwandan border on Tuesday, 25 February 2025. These troops were deployed to the DRC in late 2023.

The bodies of the South African soldiers who died in Congo in late January were repatriated through the Rwandan border, transported to Uganda, and then flown home for burial. Reports indicate that South Africa refused an offer to airlift the bodies through Rwanda, accusing Rwanda of backing M23 fighters. Rwanda has repeatedly denied these claims, insisting that the rebels are Congolese citizens fighting for their rights after decades of marginalisation and persecution by Congolese authorities.

During a recent session, South African lawmakers accused President Ramaphosa of deploying troops to the DRC for personal interests, alleging that his family and close associates in the mining sector were seeking access to the region’s mineral wealth.

They also questioned why, out of the 15 SADC member states, only three countries deployed troops while the rest chose not to participate.

South African troops deployed in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to support the Congolese army (FARDC) in the fight against the M23 rebel group are set to withdraw and return home via Rwanda.

IGIHE

In a statement released on Sunday, the president’s office said that during the meeting, the Rwandan Head of State emphasised Rwanda’s commitment to a peaceful resolution while underscoring the necessity of recognising its legitimate concerns.

'President Kagame made it clear that Rwanda is committed to a peaceful resolution but its legitimate security interests must be recognized and respected,' the statement read.

The President also reiterated the importance of respecting the ongoing continental process to bring a lasting solution to the conflict in DRC.

Lammy’s visit to Rwanda followed his participation in the G20 meeting in South Africa, where he had vowed to deliver a strong message to President Kagame regarding alleged Rwandan military presence in eastern DRC. The UK has accused Rwanda of violating DRC’s sovereignty, an allegation Kigali has consistently dismissed as unfounded.

Ahead of Lammy’s visit, Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Olivier Nduhungirehe indicated that discussions would be frank.

In a post on X, Nduhungirehe welcomed Lammy’s anticipated statements but hinted at Rwanda’s firm stance on the issue. 'Really? I look forward to seeing this and reading a strong statement after the meeting. Welcome to Kigali, David Lammy!' he posted.

The Rwandan government has continued to criticise what it sees as an international bias in addressing the eastern DRC crisis, pointing to the persecution of Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese and the DRC government’s support for the FDLR, a militia composed of remnants of the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.

Kigali argues that any long-term solution must be rooted in regional mechanisms, including efforts led by the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) to address the conflict between the Congolese government and M23/AFC rebel group.

In contrast, the UK has signalled potential consequences for Rwanda if it continues to be involved in the conflict. However, Rwandan officials argue that threats of sanctions or punitive measures will not resolve the crisis, noting that past international interventions have failed to stabilise the region.

During his visit to Africa, Lammy also met with DRC President Félix Tshisekedi on Saturday.

Rwanda has defended its defensive measures along its border with the DRC, citing recent cross-border attacks and security threats posed by the FDLR. As tensions remain high, Kigali maintains that the solution lies in political dialogue between the Congolese government and armed groups, including M23, rather than external pressure on Rwanda.

President Paul Kagame met with UK Foreign Secretary David Lammy on Saturday to discuss bilateral relations and the ongoing security crisis in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).

The president’s office said that during the meeting, the Rwandan Head of State emphasised Rwanda’s commitment to a peaceful resolution while underscoring the necessity of recognising its legitimate concerns.

President Paul Kagame and UK Foreign Secretary David Lammy pose for a photo with other senior officials during a meeting on Saturday, 22 February 2025.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

According to a report by The New York Times, Tshisekedi, whose government has struggled to retain control over territories recently overtaken by the M23, is negotiating trade agreements for the DRC’s prized minerals.

The Congolese head of state’s goal is to leverage the natural resources—among the most abundant in the world—to garner assistance from Western powers, hoping they will apply more pressure on Rwanda, which he accuses of backing the M23 rebels. Rwanda has repeatedly denied the claims.

The DRC is rich in minerals, including cobalt, copper, diamonds, and gold, and has vast untapped resources valued at an estimated $24 trillion. Cobalt, in particular, plays a crucial role in global supply chains, as the DRC provides about 60% of the world’s cobalt reserves.

Tshisekedi’s offer aims to entice the U.S. and European countries into becoming more involved in the region, with the hope of tipping the scale in the DRC’s favour in its battle against M23 in the wake of the capture of Bukavu and Goma, key cities in eastern Congo.

Tshisekedi’s negotiations come at a time when China has made significant inroads into the DRC’s mining sector, with many of the country’s mineral resources controlled by foreign entities.

This has fueled ongoing tensions, as the local population continues to live in poverty despite the wealth generated from mining activities. Congo’s mineral wealth has often been siphoned off by foreign companies, with only a fraction of the proceeds benefiting the Congolese people.

The DRC’s mineral wealth has long been a point of contention, especially regarding Rwanda’s alleged role in supporting the M23 rebels, a claim Tshisekedi has repeatedly made.

Rwanda, for its part, denies involvement, and M23 spokesperson Lawrence Kanyuka has refuted Tshisekedi’s assertion that the group is motivated by the DRC’s mineral resources.

In past media statements, Kanyuka stated that M23’s struggle is not for control of valuable land but for survival, accusing Kinshasa of oppressing ethnic groups, particularly the Kinyarwanda-speaking communities in the east, and denying them recognition as true Congolese citizens.

Meanwhile, reports of Tshisekedi’s latest overtures come just days after the U.S. government imposed sanctions on General (rtd) James Kabarebe, Rwanda’s Minister of State for Regional Integration in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, accusing him of facilitating connections between Rwanda and M23.

The Rwandan government strongly condemned the sanctions, terming them “unjustified” and counterproductive to regional peace efforts.

'The sanctions are unjustified. The international community should support, not undermine, ongoing regional efforts toward a political solution. If sanctions could resolve the conflict in eastern DRC, we would have had peace in the region decades ago,' Government Spokesperson Yolande Makolo said.

Rwanda has consistently argued that the crisis in eastern Congo is rooted in deeper historical and governance issues that require political solutions rather than external pressure.

President Félix Tshisekedi, whose government has struggled to retain control over territories recently overtaken by the M23, is negotiating trade agreements for the DRC’s prized minerals.

IGIHE

The agreement, inked behind closed doors at 2 a.m. on Sunday in Nairobi, led to the formation of the Sudan Founding Alliance.

The signing marked the culmination of four days of intense negotiations in Kenya, where key stakeholders convened to chart the way forward for Sudan.

More than 20 political parties, 10 civil organizations, and five military groups, including the RSF, were signatories to the charter.

The agreement calls for the creation of a “secular, democratic, decentralized state” in Sudan, based on principles of freedom, equality, and justice, without favouritism towards any cultural, ethnic, religious, or regional identity. One of its most contentious provisions is the formation of a “new, unified, professional, national army,” incorporating all armed factions while eliminating political interference within the military.

The new army would be tasked with ending the ongoing conflict, countering terrorism, and improving diplomatic relations with neighbouring countries. The charter also aims to ensure unhindered humanitarian aid and integrate armed groups into a single, national force.

Among the signatories was Abdelaziz al-Hilu, a powerful rebel leader controlling significant territories in South Kordofan and Blue Nile states. Abdel Rahim Daglo, the deputy and brother of RSF commander Mohamed Hamdan Daglo, also signed the pact.

However, the formation of this parallel government has sparked concern among international bodies, including the United Nations, which warned that such moves could further fragment Sudan and exacerbate the crisis. The Arab League also condemned actions that could threaten Sudan’s unity.

Diplomatic tensions

The Sudanese army, which has been battling the RSF for control, strongly opposed the formation of the alliance. Sudan’s government in Port Sudan has accused Kenya of hosting a 'rebel militia' and recalled its ambassador from Nairobi in protest.

In response, Kenyan President William Ruto maintained that Kenya had merely provided a neutral platform for Sudanese stakeholders to engage in dialogue.

Despite growing diplomatic friction, signatories of the pact insisted that their goal was to resolve Sudan’s deep-rooted problems rather than further divide the nation. They argued that the government operating out of Port Sudan had failed to bring peace and that the new alliance would provide a pathway toward stability.

The war between the RSF and the Sudanese army, which began in April 2023, has devastated the country, leading to what the United Nations describes as the world’s worst hunger and displacement crises. More than 12 million people have been forced to flee their homes, and famine looms in multiple regions.

While the RSF has seized most of the western Darfur region and parts of Kordofan, it is facing pushback from the Sudanese army in central Sudan. The army recently retook key areas in greater Khartoum and Al Jazirah state, further intensifying the conflict.

With both the RSF and the Sudanese army solidifying their respective power bases, Sudan appears increasingly divided. The formation of a rival government threatens to deepen existing fractures, making peace efforts even more complex.

More than 20 political parties, 10 civil organizations, and five military groups, including the RSF, were signatories to the charter.

Wycliffe Nyamasege