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A man Mitterrand considered a close friend, almost like a son, their friendship had lasted many years, as France had become deeply involved in Rwanda’s internal politics shortly after the country gained independence.

In December 1962, France signed a cooperation agreement with Rwanda, covering both civilian and military sectors. By July 1975, the two countries entered into a special military agreement, and the following year France began supplying Rwanda with military equipment and trainers for its armed forces.

Six years later, in 1981, Mitterrand came to power and found the Franco-Rwandan relations in good standing. He chose to strengthen them even further. In 1983, the special military agreement was revised to include provisions allowing French troops to fight alongside Rwandan forces if needed.

However, throughout this partnership, France turned a blind eye to the Rwandan government’s increasing oppression, mass killings of Tutsi, ethnic discrimination, and widespread displacement. The regime had normalized ethnic division in every sector of society.

These agreements were signed just a year after the Rwandan government expelled Tutsi refugees who had fled Uganda and sought safety back in their homeland, only to be chased out again.

A 1964 United Nations report highlighted that over 300,000 Rwandan refugees were living in exile in Tanzania, Uganda, Burundi, and Zaire. They had fled systemic violence orchestrated by the state. But even in the face of such reports, France chose not to intervene.

This tight-knit relationship is what pushed Mitterrand into despair upon hearing of Habyarimana’s death. Alongside his advisers, he quickly pointed fingers at the former Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), accusing them of shooting down the presidential plane.

This accusation came despite the fact that France had for years been supplying the Habyarimana government with heavy weaponry, including advanced surface-to-air rocket systems capable of downing aircraft.
These weapons had been delivered to Rwanda on the morning of October 10, 1990, as confirmed by one of Mitterrand’s own advisers.

Mitterrand turned his back on Rwanda

After losing the man he viewed as a son, Mitterrand could not bring himself to accept Rwanda’s new government, led by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF-Inkotanyi). He began sidelining Rwanda on the international stage at a time when the country was desperately in need of support.

In November 1994, Mitterrand organized his cherished France-Africa Summit, attended by 25 African heads of state. On the agenda were France-Africa relations, with Rwanda a key focus, especially as the country was emerging from the horror of the Genocide against the Tutsi.

But Rwanda was not invited. Mitterrand viewed the new RPF-led government as enemies of France, according to Dr. Charles Murigande, who served as a diplomatic adviser to Rwanda’s president at the time.

He said, 'The fact that we weren’t invited to that summit in Biarritz doesn’t mean the other African countries viewed Rwanda as a pariah. […] But of course, the President of Rwanda couldn’t just show up in France without an invitation.' He added that Mitterrand’s shame was already evident on the global stage.

'Not being invited by France didn’t surprise us. That’s just who Mitterrand was. It reflected his mindset. He had stood with those who had destroyed Rwanda. Naturally, he felt ashamed. There’s no way he would have had the courage to invite the President of Rwanda to Biarritz.'

Today, relations between France and Rwanda have significantly improved, especially after President Emmanuel Macron expressed a willingness to rebuild diplomatic ties and reconcile historical wounds between the two nations.

After losing the man he viewed as a son, Mitterrand could not bring himself to accept Rwanda’s new government, led by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF-Inkotanyi).

IGIHE

One of their first plans was to exterminate the Tutsi who had taken refuge at Amahoro Stadium in Remera, a location perceived to be secure due to the presence of UNAMIR peacekeepers.

However, this plan was thwarted due to fighting between the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) and the Presidential Guard, allowing many Tutsi and others at the stadium to survive.

Among those saved was a Belgian consultant named François Veriter, who worked on governance projects supported by the UN Development Programme (UNDP).

That same night, Major Aloys Ntabakuze, head of the Para-Commando battalion based at Kanombe military camp, ordered his soldiers to begin killing Tutsi and political opponents living near the camp in an area called Kajagari.

Also on this day, 17 Tutsi, including priests and nuns, were killed at the Jesuit Centre Christus in Remera. Among them was 67-year-old Father Chrysologue Mahame, the Jesuit director of the centre and a founder of the human rights and peace advocacy group “Association des Volontaires de la Paix (AVP).”

These murders were carried out by presidential guards, para-commandos from Kanombe, and Interahamwe militia who mercilessly descended on their fellow Rwandans just because they were Tutsi.

Targeting political opponents of the Genocide

In the campaign to eliminate political figures who opposed the Habyarimana regime and the genocide plan, Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana was the first to be killed on April 7, 1994, alongside 10 Belgian UN peacekeepers assigned to protect her.

They were tortured and murdered by government soldiers led by Major Bernard Ntuyahaga, who was later convicted by a Belgian court and sentenced to 20 years in prison (a sentence he has now served).

Other prominent politicians killed included, Joseph Kavaruganda, President of the Constitutional Court, Minister Frederiko Nzamurambaho, also PSD party president Me. Félicien Ngango, PSD Vice President, and his wife Odette Ubonabenshi, Faustin Rucogoza, Minister of Information (MDR) and Landouald Ndasingwa, a PL party leader. These assassinations were carried out by Habyarimana’s guards.

Radio Muhabura, operated by the RPF, was the first media outlet to condemn the killings of Tutsi and Hutu politicians who opposed the genocide. The RPF’s military leadership declared its mission to protect innocent civilians and issued orders to halt the killings.

Nationwide massacres following the President’s death

From the night of April 6, 1994, Radio Rwanda and RTLM broadcast a statement signed by Colonel Théoneste Bagosora, acting on behalf of the Minister of Defense, confirming the president’s death and instructing citizens to remain indoors.

This message facilitated the coordination of widespread massacres, particularly in Kigali neighborhoods like Kacyiru and Kimihurura, where Interahamwe set up roadblocks and began killing Tutsi.

The killing spread across the country. Local mayors (burgomasters) and community leaders led the violence.
In Giciye commune (Gisenyi), many Tutsi were killed, including the wife of Christophe Bazivamo, an agriculture project worker.

In Bicumbi commune (Kigali), Mayor Juvenal Rugambarara personally executed the plan. He admitted to the ICTR that he personally killed around 100 Tutsi and was convicted for it.

Killings expanded to Bugesera, Kibungo, and Gitarama

In Runda (Kamonyi), Tutsi were massacred in several locations including Nyabarongo and thrown into Cyabariza pond. Key perpetrators were local leaders like Kamana Claver and Ndayambaje Sixbert.

In Kayenzi (Kamonyi), killings occurred at Cocobeka and Intwari. In Gisuma (Cyangugu) and Nyaruguru, gendarmes joined the killings. In Muko (Nyamagabe), six Tutsi, including municipal finance officer Michel Gacendeli, were murdered by a group of about 100 led by the police chief and Mayor Kayihura Albert.

In Gisenyi, Colonel Anatole Nsengiyumva called a meeting with Interahamwe, military, and police leaders. They decided to establish roadblocks and kill all Tutsi. Victims were collected from homes and dumped in mass graves nicknamed 'Komini Rouge.'

Over 800 people, mostly women and children, were killed at Nyundo Parish. Others were killed at Nyundo minor seminary (50), Busasamana parish (150), Centre St Pierre, Stella Maris Church, Rwandex, and Komini Rouge.

Murders continue to Ruhengeri, Cyangugu, and beyond

In Ruhengeri, a planning meeting was held at the home of MRND secretary-general Joseph Nzirorera. Participants included Colonels Ephrem Setako and Augustin Bizimungu, and other officials. They decided the Tutsi had to be eliminated by the next morning.

Colonel Bizimungu distributed guns to local leaders and Interahamwe leaders. Killings followed; Tutsi at ISAE Busogo were all murderedwith 43 killed at Busogo Parish.

Interahamwe group “Amahindure” spread terror across Ruhengeri as killings went on in Bugarama (Rusizi), Kivuruga (Gakenke), Tare, Nemba Hospital, and other locations. Victims were thrown into rivers like Rusizi, Ruhwa, and Rubyiro.

Some perpetrators were identified as Yusuf Munyakazi and CIMERWA director Marcel Sebatware (now a Belgian citizen).

In Cyangugu and Nyabihu, Tutsi were killed in Adventist churches, military camps, and Catholic parishes including Hesha, Gisizi, Rambura, and Mukamira. Victims were also found in Byahi (Rubavu).

Between the night of April 6 to 7, 1994, following the downing of the Falcon 50 plane carrying President Juvénal Habyarimana, memories of the violence and killings that ensued are still fresh.

IGIHE

The meeting, held at Urugwiro Village, centered on the importance of supporting ongoing regional processes and strengthening efforts to address the root causes of conflict.

According to a statement from the president’s office, the two officials underscored the need for coordinated, evidence-based strategies that prioritize sustainable peace over short-term fixes.

“They discussed the importance of supporting ongoing regional processes and the need for fact-based, coordinated efforts that address the root causes of the conflict and prioritize achieving lasting peace in the region,” the statement reads in part.

The meeting coincides with ongoing efforts to resolve the conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, where recent battles between the M23 rebel group and government forces culminated in the takeover of strategic towns, including the cities of Goma and Bukavu.

In pursuit of a solution to the insecurity in eastern DRC, Heads of State from the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) resolved to merge the Luanda and Nairobi peace processes during an extraordinary summit held in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, on February 8.

In a subsequent meeting held on March 24, the Heads of State appointed five former presidents to facilitate the peace talks. Those named to the expanded mediation team are Uhuru Kenyatta of Kenya, Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria, Kgalema Motlanthe of South Africa, Catherine Samba-Panza of the Central African Republic, and Sahle-Work Zewde of Ethiopia.

Meanwhile, direct talks between the Kinshasa administration and the M23 rebels are scheduled to take place in Qatar on April 9.

Qatar extended the invitation shortly after a March 18 meeting hosted by the Emir of Qatar, which brought together Rwandan President Paul Kagame and DRC President Félix Tshisekedi. The discussions focused on de-escalating tensions between the two countries, fueled by the presence of the FDLR militia group in the DRC—a group responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda—and the DRC’s accusation that Rwanda supports the M23 rebels, claims that Rwanda has repeatedly denied.

Qatar’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs later announced that Presidents Kagame, Tshisekedi, and Sheikh Tamim had reaffirmed their commitment to cease hostilities in eastern DRC, in line with resolutions adopted by African leaders.

President Paul Kagame on Sunday met with Huang Xia, the United Nations Secretary-General’s Special Envoy for the Great Lakes Region, for talks focused on advancing peace and stability in the region.

The meeting, held at Urugwiro Village, centered on the importance of supporting ongoing regional processes and strengthening efforts to address the root causes of conflict.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

After the meeting, Habyarimana was returning with others, including Cyprien Ntaryamira, the President of Burundi, around 8:00 PM, when the plane approached Kigali for landing as usual.

Moments later, a missile struck one wing of the aircraft over Masaka airspace, followed by another hitting its tail. The plane caught fire and crashed in Habyarimana’s compound in Kanombe, near the military camp and the airport.

That compound, now located in Kamashashi Cell, Nyarugunga Sector, Kicukiro District, still bears remnants of the original gate and security outposts.

Jeanne d’Arc Mukazayire, a resident of Kibaya less than 10 minutes from Habyarimana’s house, told IGIHE that immediately after the crash, a sweep began targeting all Tutsi in Nyarugunga.

'It was 8:40 p.m. Wherever there was a Tutsi, they were immediately targeted. They knocked—if you opened the door, you were shot. Anyone claiming the killings happened on April 10 is lying; it all began that very night. Only those who had fled into the wild survived,' she recalls.

Mukazayire explained that soldiers from Habyarimana’s residence and from the Kanombe military camp carried out the killings in Nyarugunga that night. The next morning, April 7, 1994, Interahamwe militia continued the hunt, killing Tutsi survivors with machetes and clubs.

'They slaughtered people, even those hiding under bridges. On the second and third days, April 8, we fled to Masaka Church. They followed us. A young child, maybe 7 or 8 years old, held up a photo of Habyarimana and said, 'Isn’t this the one you killed?’ Then they hacked people like they were cutting down corn, with machetes and clubs labeled 'Mpongano y’Umwanzi’ (revenge on the enemy),'

Jeanne d’Arc Mukazayire, a resident of Kibaya less than 10 minutes from Habyarimana’s house, told IGIHE that immediately after the crash, a sweep began targeting all Tutsi in Nyarugunga.

Kanziga’s orders to kill

Genocide survivors say that after the plane was shot down, Habyarimana’s wife, Agathe Kanziga, ordered soldiers at the compound to kill all Tutsi in the surrounding area.

Kanziga wielded significant power in Habyarimana’s regime and is believed to have been deeply involved in planning the genocide against the Tutsi. Her influence was reinforced by her family connections, including her brother, Colonel Elie Sagatwa, a high-ranking officer, at the time.

Part of the crashed plane landed in the yard of Marie Chantal Niyonshuti’s family, whose house bordered Habyarimana’s.

Now living in Kanombe, Niyonshuti recounted Kanziga’s role, 'A soldier I was friends with confided in me that the Tutsi around Habyarimana’s home were killed on Kanziga’s orders immediately after the death of her husband.'

Josephine Musanabera, who lives in Mukoni village beneath the former presidential home, confirmed that Kanziga stood at the gates issuing kill orders.

'She told neighbors, those living near Niyonshuti, near Murasira and Murara that night that she didn’t want that 'filth.' The filth of Tutsi killed my husband.' Following Kanziga’s command, soldiers from the compound attacked their Tutsi neighbors with guns and acid, killing them with extreme cruelty.

Part of the crashed plane landed in the yard of Marie Chantal Niyonshuti’s family, whose house bordered Habyarimana’s.

Burning the bodies with acid

Before the genocide officially kicked off, local families were prohibited from visiting the presidential household, with a posted warning: 'Only residents allowed.' Niyonshuti confirmed that the soldiers who killed their neighbors were exclusively Habyarimana’s guards and staff.

'After the crash, it was Habyarimana’s soldiers and workers, not outsiders who dragged people out, shouting 'come out, come out!’ and immediately shot them. Then they took the bodies away,' she remembers. She said the corpses were taken to Kanombe military camp and incinerated with acid.

'Before daybreak, they removed them so that when investigators came to examine the wreckage, no Tutsi bodies would be found. They were taken to the military camp and burned. No one waited for dawn. Anyone who survived probably escaped under a pile of bodies or by sheer miracle.'

Rebuilding lives after survival

After the Genocide against the Tutsi was stopped in 1994, Mukazayire returned to her destroyed home. She was later provided housing by FARG, the government fund for genocide survivors, in Kinyinya sector, Gasabo district.

'We’re living well now. We sleep peacefully. We get treatment when sick, FARG pays for it. We’ve moved on from those dark days. We live in a village now and have no problems. I have a place to lay my head and live like anyone else.'

Josephine Musanabera, another survivor, often suffered severe trauma from her past.

Niyonshuti said the government supported her through university, and she now has hope for the future. She’s proud that Rwanda has eliminated ethnic discrimination and continues to progress in all sectors.

To preserve her family’s legacy and contribute to development, she opened a bar called Akagoroba on their old land near Habyarimana’s former residence. It’s now a popular community hangout in Nyarugunga.

Josephine Musanabera, another survivor, who often suffered severe trauma from her past, said messages of hope from leaders, especially President Paul Kagame, who restored her will to live.

'We’re focused on surviving and thriving now. We’ve rolled up our sleeves and rebuilt. We want to leave a better country for our children. And we are so grateful to our government. It stands by us, and our children are in school.'

The Genocide against the Tutsi claimed over a million lives in just 100 days, making it the fastest genocide in recorded history.

after the plane was shot down, Habyarimana’s wife, Agathe Kanziga, ordered soldiers at the compound to kill all Tutsi in the surrounding area.

IGIHE

Nestled between the flowing waters of the Min River and the rolling fields of the Chengdu Plain stands the Dujiangyan Irrigation System—a testament to human ingenuity and harmony with nature.

The Dujiangyan Irrigation System is one of the most extraordinary engineering achievements in human history, a masterpiece of ancient design that still serves millions today.

A map illustrating the intricate design of the Dujiangyan Irrigation System, highlighting key components such as the Fish Mouth Levee, Flying Sand Weir, and Bottleneck Channel

Built over 2,300 years ago, during the Warring States period in what is now Sichuan Province, this system was designed not to block the river with a dam, but to work with nature—taming the unruly Min River while providing life-giving irrigation to the fertile Chengdu Plain.

This irrigation network extends across over 5,300 km² of agricultural land.

Its story begins at a time when floods and droughts brought suffering to the people of Sichuan. The Qin Dynasty, seeking to strengthen its hold on the region, appointed a governor named Li Bing to solve the problem.

Li Bing studied the river’s behavior and devised a system that would forever change the fate of Sichuan. Instead of fighting the river, he redirected it.

The heart of his design was the Fish Mouth Levee—a carefully shaped divider that splits the Min River into two channels, one for irrigation and the other for flood control.

The iconic Fish Mouth Levee divides the Min River into two calm channels.

This simple yet brilliant structure ensured that water would flow steadily to farmlands while excess floodwaters were safely carried away. To manage the buildup of silt, he built the Flying Sand Weir—a spillway that uses the river’s own swirling currents to flush out sediment, keeping the system clear.

The Flying Sand Weir, where swirling waters naturally flush sediment from the channel.

Finally, the Bottleneck Channel acted as a precise regulator, controlling how much water entered the irrigation network.

What makes Dujiangyan truly remarkable is that it has never stopped working. For centuries, it has turned Sichuan into one of China’s most productive agricultural regions, earning it the nickname “Land of Abundance.”

Even today, the system irrigates over 5,300 square kilometers of farmland, supporting crops that feed millions. Unlike modern dams, which often disrupt ecosystems, Dujiangyan operates in harmony with nature, requiring no artificial barriers or destructive interventions.

No dam needed — the river flows freely through smart design.

It has survived wars, dynasties, and even the devastating 2008 Sichuan earthquake, which caused only minor damage.

Beyond its practical benefits, Dujiangyan stands as a symbol of human innovation and sustainability. Recognized as a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 2000, it attracts visitors from around the world who come to marvel at its ancient yet timeless design.

A UNESCO World Heritage Site rich in living culture.

Walking along its pathways, one can see the same structures that Li Bing built over two millennia ago, still performing their duty just as effectively as they did in the days of the Qin Dynasty.

As the world today grapples with climate change and environmental challenges, Dujiangyan remains a powerful reminder of what can be achieved when ingenuity and respect for nature come together.

A Festival of Water and Memory

Every spring during Qingming Festival (around April 4—6), the city of Dujiangyan comes alive with one of China’s oldest and most symbolic cultural events: The Water-Releasing Festival. With a history of over 1,000 years, this grand ceremony honors both the annual maintenance of the Dujiangyan Irrigation System and the legacy of its visionary creator, Li Bing.

Thousands gather each Qingming Festival to witness the power of water and the depth of ritual.

The celebration is not only a tribute to ancient engineering but also a spiritual rite marking the beginning of spring ploughing—a time of renewal and agricultural hope.

Declared a National Intangible Cultural Heritage in 2006, the festival culminates in a dramatic Water-Releasing Ceremony. Dressed in traditional Han attire, local officials, invitees, and participants reenact age-old rituals, including the symbolic cutting of rope-bound cofferdams made of wood, bamboo, and stone to release the river’s flow back into the irrigation channels.

Built from bamboo, stone, and wood, the cofferdam has weathered the passage of time.

Offerings are made to the gods and to Li Bing himself, while spectators throw symbolic items into the water to pray for good harvests and well-being.

Over 2,300 years old, yet still flowing strong.

Ancient engineering, now admired in the modern world.

Ancient mechanics, modern outcomes—continuing to irrigate farmland today.

At the entrance to the Dujiangyan Scenic Area, this illustration showcases the bamboo, stone, and wood tools used in the construction of the Dujiangyan Irrigation System.

Even during flood season, the system protects against disaster.

Layers of green mountains guard this ancient site.

Throughout the centuries, governors of successive Chinese dynasties have been instrumental in safeguarding and upholding the Dujiangyan Irrigation System.

Surrounded by breathtaking natural beauty, the Dujiangyan Scenic Area offers a seamless blend of ancient engineering and lush landscapes.

Verdant forests frame every step along the riverbank.

Tourists explore timeless canals and ancient routes.

This place is a destination for learners, pilgrims, and those drawn to ancient wisdom.

Zhuge Liang, as a strategist and administrator of the Shu Han kingdom, was a leader who understood the importance of managing water resources to ensure food security. He is also cherished in this city.

Christian Mugisha

Speaking during the Kwibuka31 International Conference on Sunday, April 6, 2025, Minister Bizimana said the cancellation of genocide memorial activities that had been scheduled in the cities of Liège and Brussels undermines the memory of the victims.

'We are now witnessing government-backed actions that obstruct remembrance of the Genocide against the Tutsi,' said Dr. Bizimana. 'This is happening in Belgium, a country that once apologized for its role in the genocide but now undermines the memory of its victims.'

The Belgian city of Liège withdrew from a previously scheduled April 12 commemoration event, citing concerns over public order due to tensions between Congolese and Rwandan communities.

According to Belgian state broadcaster RTBF, the local police advised against the event, warning it could trigger clashes due to the strained relations between Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

'An analysis of the potential issue was conducted. The Liège police provided an unfavourable recommendation. The international political climate is unstable,' said police spokesperson Jadranka Lozina.

While Rwandan communities will still be allowed to hold private gatherings, Liège Mayor Willy Demeyer will not attend, and authorities have warned that any public threat could lead to a complete ban.

In Brussels, another major event—a conference organized by Ibuka Memory and Justice Association, a non-profit that advocates for genocide survivors—was abruptly canceled by Belgium’s House of Representatives just one day before it was scheduled to take place on March 27.

The event, titled 'Transmitting Memory: Analyzing the Deep Origins and Unfolding of the Tutsi Genocide, 31 Years Later,' had included a planned video address by Minister Bizimana. Organizers say they were blindsided by the cancellation, which was attributed to deteriorating diplomatic relations between Belgium and Rwanda.

In his keynote speech, Dr. Bizimana took a historical perspective, arguing that the genocide ideology was imported and fueled by European colonialism—specifically Belgian colonial rule. He asserted that the unity and values that once defined pre-colonial Rwandan society were systematically dismantled for colonial gain.

'A society as unified as the one the first Europeans found in Rwanda would never have committed genocide—had its values not been destroyed by colonial powers,' he said.

He pointed to the writings of early missionaries like Chanoine Louis de Lacger, who documented that Rwandans were a culturally and socially cohesive people. That harmony, Dr. Bizimana said, was deliberately unraveled by Belgium through discriminatory policies and political manipulation, leading to the eventual eruption of genocide in 1994.

'If Europeans had not entered Africa—and Rwanda in particular—we would not be here today at a conference about a genocide that took over a million lives, simply because of who those people were,' he added.

Tensions between Rwanda and Belgium have worsened in recent weeks. On March 17, Rwanda formally severed diplomatic relations with Belgium, accusing the European nation of siding with the DRC in the ongoing regional conflict.

Ibuka-Belgium expressed deep disappointment over the Brussels cancellation, emphasizing that it had no political agenda and that the inclusion of Dr. Bizimana’s speech was based on his expertise and relevance to the topic. The group called the move an 'unfortunate politicization' of a human rights cause.

'Our organization has neither a mandate nor a vocation to engage in politics,' Ibuka said in a statement. 'The cancellation of this event implicates us in a highly political dispute that we are not part of.'

No lessons learnt

Meanwhile, on Sunday, Minister Bizimana also expressed concern that the international community—including Belgium—has failed to learn from past atrocities, as evidenced by the targeted killings of Congolese Tutsis in the DRC.

'Even as we commemorate 31 years since the Genocide, some leaders in the DRC are still inciting hatred and killings, while the world looks on,' he said. 'We are witnessing a repeat of the very mistakes some governments once apologized for—this time with fresh victims in Congo and renewed global indifference.'

The 31st Commemoration of the Genocide against the Tutsi is scheduled to start on Monday, April and continue for the next 100 days.

April 7 was designated as the International Day of Reflection on the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi by the UN General Assembly in 2003.

Speaking during the Kwibuka31 International Conference on Sunday, April 6, 2025, Minister Bizimana said the cancellation of genocide memorial activities that had been scheduled in the cities of Liège and Brussels undermines the memory of the victims.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

In the hush between footsteps on the morning of the 7th, in the way the wind hesitates as it moves through the hills of Rwanda, something shifts. Something sacred. It is called Kwibuka.

The world may see candles, tears, and quiet gatherings. But for Rwanda, it’s the sound of hearts breaking all over again. It’s the echo of names unspoken and stories unfinished.

It is the week where time pauses, and memory sits beside every Rwandan heart, heavy and alive.

You may pass through Kigali, Huye, Musanze this week. You may go about your days, clocking in, cooking dinner, replying to emails.

But somewhere deep in the ground beneath, voices still speak.
Some were children. Some mothers. Some uncles. Some neighbors.
Some are laid to rest in memorials with dignity. Others in mass pits with none.

And yet, there is another voice.
One not from the graves, but from the spaces between conversations.
The subtle voice of forgetting, of avoiding, of questioning in ways that are not innocent.

But this isn’t about accusing.
It’s about asking.

Asking what is spoken in homes when April comes.

Because truth does not only live in speeches or public squares.
It lives in kitchens. In quiet family talks.
In the words chosen around the dinner table.

Sometimes, the words may still be trapped in your throat.
You may not yet feel ready to tell the full story, even to your own.

But even in silence, you can choose truth.
Let the television speak for you.
Let the radio fill the room.
Let the Kwibuka messages find their way into your child’s hands, on a phone, on a screen, in the quiet of your home.

If your voice trembles, let these voices carry it for you, until yours is ready.

Even that small act becomes a brick,
laid gently in the foundation of unity.
A quiet offering.
A future guarded by truth,
not only in public,
but where it matters most, inside.

A memory lingers

It was in 2015, near Rwamagana. As the bus passed by a Genocide Memorial, a young man, no older than twenty, looked out and softly asked,
'What is done inside there?'

The question fell into silence.
Not because no one knew the answer, but because in Rwanda, where memorials stand as sacred reminders, and each April 7th opens the nation’s heart to remembrance, such a question lands heavily.

I didn’t dwell on the silence around me.
I thought of him.
And of the home he comes from.

What is remembered there?
What is taught when no one is watching?

Denial doesn’t always wear a banner or march in defiance.
Sometimes, it’s just… silence.
Sometimes, it’s 'they said something happened.'
Sometimes, it’s 'why bring that up again?'
Sometimes, it’s a quiet reshaping of facts, a hesitation to use the right name.

And here’s where it matters most.
Not in courts or headlines,
but in homes.

In the corners of living rooms.
During school rides.
In the tone used when explaining history to a child.

Start there.
Use the name that carries the truth.
Say: Genocide against the Tutsi.
Not war. Not conflict. Not tragedy.
Genocide against the Tutsi.

That name carries weight.
But it also carries dignity, and healing.
It is a brick laid into the foundation of unity.
A house Rwanda is still building, stone by stone.

And here is a gentle ask:
Whoever you are, wherever you are, whether this is your history or not, help in the building.

The future of Rwanda doesn’t ask for guilt.
It asks for truth.
For honesty.
For the heart to find the words, and let truth rise, untouched, unchanged.

And this is where history becomes personal.
Not because one lived it,
but because one chooses what to do with it.

There are still those who flinch when April arrives.
Some turn their faces.
Some dismiss remembrance.
Others even mock the pain.

But to do so is to forget not only the lives taken by hate,
but the humanity left in the living.

Rwanda has come far.
Not by forgetting,
but by walking with memory, unhidden, unaltered.

And there’s still more to do.

If you can speak up when someone misnames what happened, do it.
If your family dances around the truth, be the one to bring it home.

If a child asks,
'What is done inside there?'
Let your voice rise and say:

'That is where the victims of the Genocide against the Tutsi are laid to rest.
That is where memory lives.
That is Rwanda’s heart, still healing.'

This isn’t about politics.
It isn’t about sides.

It’s about the soul of a nation.

And Rwanda watches, not to condemn, but to hope.
That its people, all of them, will choose truth over comfort.
Dignity over denial.

Speak it.
Even when your voice shakes.
Especially then.

Kigali Genocide Memorial.Every year, on April 7, Rwandans and friends of Rwanda across the world, join hands to begin a 100-days commemoration of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in which over a million lives perished.

AN

This message was emphasized during a financial management training session organized by COPEDU PLC for parents and guardians at Rise To Shine School on April 5, 2025.

Seif Mbarushimana, Head of Branches at COPEDU PLC, stressed that school fee payments should be integrated into household financial planning, much like other essential expenses.

He explained that prompt payments enable schools to achieve their financial goals, ensuring students benefit from consistent, quality education.

'Just as families budget for their needs, schools rely on structured financial plans,' Mbarushimana said. 'When parents delay payments, it disrupts these plans and ultimately impacts the education students receive.'

He also highlighted COPEDU’s tailored services, such as savings accounts and the 'Yige Atuje’ loan, designed to help parents manage school fee payments effectively.

Jean Marie Mboningarukiye, Deputy Managing Director of Rise To Shine School, reflected on past challenges caused by late fee payments, which hindered the school’s ability to pay teachers on time. He expressed optimism that the training would lead to better financial habits among parents.

'The issue wasn’t a lack of money but rather poor planning,' he noted. 'We’re confident this will change moving forward.'

Jean De Dieu Dusingize, a parent at the school, admitted that many parents previously overlooked how their payment habits affected the school’s operations.

'We now understand the importance of paying on time and are committed to it,' he said.

'COPEDU’s services can support us in ensuring our children enjoy a stable and effective learning environment.'

With 28 years of service, COPEDU Plc continues to empower its clients by providing accessible savings and loan solutions.

COPEDU PLC official Mbarushimana, Head of Branches at COPEDU Plc, stressed that school fee payments should be integrated into household financial planning, much like other essential expenses.

Seif Mbarushimanaalso highlighted COPEDU’s tailored services, such as savings accounts and the 'Yige Atuje’ loan, designed to help parents manage school fee payments effectively.

Parents and guardians during a financial management training session organized by COPEDU PLC at Rise To Shine School on April 5, 2025.

Jean De Dieu Dusingize, a parent at the school, admitted that many parents previously overlooked how their payment habits affected the school’s operations.

IGIHE