Museveni is among the heads of state who attended the joint East African Community (EAC) and Southern African Development Community (SADC) summit on the eastern Congo crisis in Tanzania.
Rwandan President Paul Kagame and other EAC and SADC leaders were also present. However, President Tshisekedi, despite earlier confirmations, did not travel to Tanzania and instead attended the summit virtually.
Upon his arrival in Tanzania, Museveni reiterated his stance on resolving the conflict.
'My earlier proposal for this summit was that H.E. Tshisekedi should speak directly to those who are in conflict with him, as this impacts all of us,' he shared on X, adding that no other forum is better suited to address the issue than the summit itself.
The summit follows recent escalations, including the capture of Goma by the M23 rebel group. M23 resumed fighting in 2021, citing the protection of Rwandophones and Congolese Tutsi communities.
Tshisekedi has repeatedly been urged to engage in dialogue through various processes but has remained reluctant to negotiate with M23, despite his army suffering continuous setbacks.
The Congolese government has also accused Rwanda of backing the rebelsâ”an allegation Kigali strongly denies.
Instead, Rwanda has accused the DRC of working with the FDLR, a militia composed of individuals responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
Burundian and SADC forces have joined the coalition supporting the Congolese army, even as Kinshasa has issued threats to invade Rwanda.
The summit also comes at a time when SADC countries, particularly South Africa, are facing scrutiny over their controversial involvement in the DRC conflict, with their troops suffering casualties during offensives against M23.
The summit seeks solutions to the ongoing conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) between the country’s armed forces and the M23 rebel group.
Other heads of state in attendance include Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu Hassan, Kenyan President and EAC Chairperson Dr. William Ruto, Zimbabwean President and SADC Chairperson Emmerson Mnangagwa, Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, Zambian President Hakainde Hichilema, and Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud.
South African President Cyril Ramaphosa is expected to arrive later, while Burundi’s President Evariste Ndayishimiye is represented by Prime Minister Gervais Ndirakobuca.
DRC President Félix Tshisekedi is participating virtually.
The decision to convene this summit follows M23’s recent capture of Goma, the capital of North Kivu province, as a reminder to the DRC government of their call for negotiations to secure lasting peace.
Ahead of the summit, both EAC and SADC expressed support for inclusive political dialogue with M23 as key to a sustainable resolution to the conflict.
New testimonies from former FDLR fighters and Wazalendo militants indicate that SADC forces are actively supporting these armed groups, supplying them with equipment and reinforcing President Tshisekedi’s broader agenda of destabilizing Rwanda’s leadership.
These accounts come from ex-FDLR fighters who surrendered to Rwanda after suffering repeated defeats in eastern DRC. Realizing they had no future in the conflict, they chose to flee and share their experiences.
The FDLR’s specialized military unit, known as Commando de Recherche et d’Action en Profondeur (CRAP), has been particularly active in these battles, receiving significant backing from the Kinshasa government.
Recently, First Lady Denise Nyakeru Tshisekedi was seen visiting wounded CRAP fighters in the hospital, further confirming the government’s ties to the group terrorist group formed by remnant perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
The young man in front is called Manirahari Sebuyange. He was part of the FDLR special force unit.
Those who surrendered revealed that SADC forces provided them with weapons and played a crucial role in launching heavy artillery attacks against M23.
Manirahari Sebuyange, one of the former fighters, recounted participating in over fifteen major battles alongside Nyatura, Wazalendo, FARDC, Burundian forces, and SADC. He described how SADC airstrikes directly supported ground offensives against M23.
'In the battle at Kalenga, we fought alongside Burundian forces, FARDC, and Wazalendo. During another engagement in Gicwa, we were supported by FARDC’s unit called Hiboux, and SADC, which launched artillery strikes. The FARDC was present, but it was the SADC forces that supplied us with weapons, ammunition, and food,' he revealed.
SADC officially joined the conflict in December 2023 after President Tshisekedi expelled the East African Community (EAC) forces, accusing them of failing to defeat M23.
He then invited SADC troops, with South African forces leading combat operations.However, these troops are now facing mounting challenges and increasing scrutiny. Burundian forces, which share Tshisekedi’s political objectives, also form part of this alliance.
Bizimana Jean Paul, standing in front, was part of Wazalendo. He revealed that they, along with FDLR, SADC forces, Burundian forces, FARDC, and other groups, were all fighting against M23.
Jean Paul Bizimana, another former fighter, explained how SADC’s role was primarily to fire artillery at M23 positions while ground forces advanced. He recalled the battle in Sake, where over 2,000 fighters, including FARDC and Wazalendo militants, launched a coordinated attack.
Beyond battlefield operations, former fighters also detailed the internal workings of FDLR, particularly its elite CRAP unit.
This unit comprises five companies: Bombardier, led by Noheli; MIG 35, under Tuyizere Aimable; a third company commanded by Mfitumukiza Benjamin; Boeing, led by Remy; and Apache and Drone, responsible for military operations.
Each company plays a distinct role, with Boeing specifically tasked with protecting senior commanders.
One ex-fighter described the recruitment process, stating that FDLR consists of a mix of young boys, strong men, and elderly individuals.
Recruits undergo military training and are indoctrinated with anti-Rwandan propaganda. 'We were taught to hate Rwanda and its leaders, especially the Tutsis. Anyone who tried to escape was executed,' he admitted.
This threat was not an empty one. Many who attempted to flee were killed, and those suspected of disloyalty were swiftly punished.
One former fighter even admitted to receiving orders to execute comrades suspected of being Rwandan spies.
The fighters who defected from FDLR and surrendered to Rwanda revealed that the SADC forces supplied them with ammunition and food.
These former combatants also recounted their encounters with senior FDLR leaders, including Colonel Ruhinda Gaby, the former commander of its special forces, whose real name was Protogène Ruvugayimikore.
Ruhinda was killed in December 2023 during a battle against M23. Manirahari, who once served as his escort, described his duties, which ranged from washing the commander’s clothes to carrying his bags and cooking for him.
After Ruhinda’s death, the group experienced significant changes. 'We were told to store our weapons and taken to a camp. Soon after, an explosion occurred, and a vehicle sped away. Hours later, they informed us that Ruhinda had been killed by grenade explosions,' Manirahari recounted.
His death led to the appointment of a new commander, Guillaume, under whom Manirahari was reassigned to the MIG 35 company.
Realizing the futility of their fight, many FDLR members eventually decided to surrender. They were particularly influenced by radio broadcasts and testimonies from former combatants who had safely returned to Rwanda.
Turatsinze Eric, one of the returnees, admitted that escaping was incredibly dangerous. 'If they had discovered my plans, I would have been killed,' he said.
However, he managed to reach Goma, which was under M23 control at the time, making his surrender easier.
'Once in Goma, I contacted someone who helped me reach Rwandan authorities. The police received me well, and when I crossed into Rwanda, I had no further issues,' he explained.
The person in front is Turatsinze Eric. He was also a member of the FDLR/CRAP commando unit.
All of these former fighters confirmed that the propaganda they had been fed about Rwanda, claims that they would be executed upon arrival, was entirely false.
Now, they urge their former comrades to lay down their arms, emphasizing that continuing to fight only serves the interests of leaders who exploit them.
'Rwanda is peaceful. I was afraid too, but I overcame my fear, and I have had no problems since arriving. We spent years running, but we achieved nothing. They should return home,' Manirahari emphasized.
These revelations about the collaboration between FDLR and SADC forces emerge at a time when pressure is mounting for the withdrawal of SADC troops from DRC, particularly the South African contingent.
Allegations have surfaced that their mission may be serving personal interests, particularly those of South African President Cyril Ramaphosa.
In response, Malawi has already announced plans to withdraw its troops, signaling a shift in regional dynamics and further casting doubt on the true objectives of the SADC deployment in eastern DRC.
FDLR fighters who escaped and surrendered to Rwanda revealed that they were told to attack Rwanda and were trained to kill Tutsis.
The conference, scheduled to take place from February 19 to 28, is organized by the Rwanda Ministry of Health, Operation Smile, the University of Rwanda, and the Rwanda Surgical Society.
Pre-conference workshops will be held from February 19 to 23, with the main conference slated for February 24 to 28 at the Kigali Serena Hotel.
Speaking at a pre-conference event in Kigali on Friday, February 7, Professor Faustin Ntirenganya, Chair of Surgery at the University of Rwanda and President of the Rwanda Surgical Society, said the conference provides stakeholders with a unique platform to address critical gaps in surgical care.
'This conference is a pivotal opportunity to bring together academicians, policymakers, and practitioners to analyze surgical gaps in Africa and establish a unified agenda for addressing them,” Prof. Ntirenganya told the media.
“We aim to learn from each other, share best practices, and exchange experiences. Rwanda can showcase its progress, while also learning from other countries to accelerate improvements,” he added.
Africa faces a dire shortage of surgical professionals. The continent currently has only 0.5 surgeons and 0.1 anaesthetists per 100,000 peopleâ”far below global recommendations.
According to Prof. Ntirenganya, Rwanda is also affected, with only three surgical, obstetric, and anaesthesia providers per 100,000 people, while the recommended standard is 20.
Due to this shortage, the available surgeons can perform only a third of the required surgical volume, leaving many patients waiting longer for essential procedures.
Despite the challenges, Prof. Ntirenganya emphasized that Rwanda has made progress, including launching the first National Surgical, Obstetric, and Anesthesia Plan (NSOAP) in 2018. However, more investment in training and infrastructure is needed.
The upcoming conference’s goal is to expand Africa’s surgical workforce, ensuring that every district hospital has a qualified surgeon.
Rwanda currently has only 162 surgeons across all specialities, with just five plastic surgeons specializing in cleft surgery.
Organizations like Operation Smile are actively working to address this shortage by enhancing surgical training and infrastructure.
Andrew Karima, Country Manager for Operation Smile Rwanda, described their contributions, noting, 'Every surgery we conduct is also a teaching opportunity. Through our hub-and-spoke model, we are expanding access to care while simultaneously strengthening the healthcare system. We have completed surgical projects in hospitals across Rwanda and are committed to ensuring that every patient, no matter where they are, can receive the care they need.'
Operation Smile provides approximately 180 free cleft surgeries annually in Rwanda and has played a critical role in repairing cleft lip, cleft palate, and other facial differences in the country and around the world.
The global charity organization, founded in 1982, is also collaborating with the Ministry of Health to integrate critical care services into surgical programs, ensuring better post-operative care for patients.
“We have strengthened our partnership with the Ministry of Health. We are now incorporating critical care, aligning our services with High Dependency Units (HDU) and Intensive Care Units (ICU). This ensures that if surgery doesn’t go as expected, the patient receives appropriate post-operative care,” he disclosed.
Karima emphasized that their work extends beyond Rwanda, stating, 'If our model has worked here, it can work in Uganda, Burundi, Tanzania, Malawi, and beyond.'
The inaugural Pan-African Surgical Conference, themed 'Building Resilient and Sustainable Surgical Services in Africa', will feature policy discussions, research presentations, and networking opportunities.
Experts from across the continent will share best practices and innovations aimed at closing the surgical care gap in resource-limited settings. Key objectives include reinforcing surgical training programs, expanding policy support for surgical workforce development, and strengthening regional surgical networks.
With participation from global surgery policy experts, medical professionals, government officials, and advocacy groups, the conference is expected to yield actionable recommendations that will shape the future of surgical care in Africa, with Rwanda playing a central role.
Speaking at a pre-conference event in Kigali on Friday, February 7, Professor Faustin Ntirenganya, Chair of Surgery at the University of Rwanda and President of the Rwanda Surgical Society, said the conference provides stakeholders with a unique platform to address critical gaps in surgical care.
Andrew Karima, Country Manager for Operation Smile Rwanda, explained that the organization is actively working with the Ministry of Health to address the shortage by helping enhance surgical training and infrastructure.
The organizers pose for a photo with journalists during a pre-conference held at Kigali Serena Hotel on Friday, February 7, 2025.
In a statement delivered on February 6, 2025, Amb. Ngango countered accusations from the DRC government that Rwanda supports the armed group M23.
He described these claims as a diversion tactic aimed at concealing Kinshasa’s true intentions.
'We categorically oppose the DRC’s attempts to portray Rwanda as responsible for the insecurity in eastern DRC. This is a well-known deflection tactic used by Kinshasa to avoid accountability for the atrocities it and allied armed groups are inflicting on its own citizens,' he stated.
M23 fighters seized the city of Goma in the early hours of January 27, 2025, just four days after capturing Sake, a town in Masisi territory.
They now control key infrastructure in Goma, including the airport, and have established a new administration for North Kivu province.
Amb. Ngango revealed that as M23 advanced into Goma, the DRC’s military coalition had been preparing large-scale attacks against Rwanda, amassing weapons in and around the city.
'What is clear, however, is the imminent threat the current situation poses to Rwanda. Following the fall of Goma, new evidence has emerged of large-scale attacks planned against Rwanda. The Kinshasa-backed coalition has stockpiled a significant number of weapons and military equipment near Rwanda’s border, mostly in and around Goma airport,' he explained.
He further disclosed that the arsenal included heavy artillery and attack drones, which were not directed at M23 but instead pointed at Rwanda.
'The weapons were not positioned in the theater of operations against M23; rather, they were aimed directly at Rwanda,' he added.
Amb. Ngango also reminded the Council that after M23 took control of Goma, the DRC army shelled Rwandan territory, killing 16 civilians, injuring over 150, and damaging approximately 280 homes and properties.
Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Ambassador Olivier Nduhungirehe, recently warned that if the DRC government persists with its plans to attack Rwanda, Rwanda will maintain the defensive measures it has put in place along the border.
M23 seized heavy weapons in Goma that were intended for major attacks on Rwanda.
Some of these weapons shelled Rwandan territory, killing 16 civilians, injuring over 150.
In a post on X, Makolo dismissed the claims published by the British newspaper, noting that the article’s content was unsurprising given the authors’ history.
The story was written by two journalists, including Michela Wrong, who is known for publishing narratives that discredit Rwanda.
Published on February 7, 2025, the article alleges that more than 600 Rwandan soldiers have died in eastern DRC while fighting alongside M23 against FARDC. However, the authors provided no evidence to support the claims.
Makolo pointed out that one of the major flaws in the article is the lack of credible sources, with all quoted individuals reportedly choosing to remain anonymous.
“All anonymous sources and conjecture. Ridiculous of the Guardian to build a story with no story. ‘We hear thatâ¦.’ Not surprising given one of the authors wrote a whole book based on rumours. Pathetic,” Makolo wrote on Friday.
She added, “There is a real story to be told about the people of this region and our desire for peace and progress – but that’s too much to ask of the Guardian and these heartless armchair hacks.”
Although Makolo did not explicitly name the author of the book, many linked her remarks to Michela Wrong, who previously published a book targeting Rwanda and its leadership.
Rwanda has frequently been accused of supporting M23, with the Congolese government calling for sanctions against Kigali. However, Rwanda has consistently denied these allegations, instead accusing the DRC of collaborating with the FDLR, an armed group composed of individuals responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
Rwanda has presented evidence to support its claims, asserting that FDLR fighters are actively engaged in the ongoing conflict alongside the Congolese army.
Rwanda’s government spokesperson, Yolande Makolo, has called out The Guardian, accusing the British publication of spreading false claims. The newspaper alleged that over 600 Rwandan soldiers were killed in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) during the ongoing conflict between the M23 rebel group and the Congolese army (FARDC) and its allied militias.
M23’s newly appointed Governor of North Kivu Province, Bahati ‘Erasto’ Musanga Joseph, made these remarks following his official inauguration on February 6, 2025.
North Kivu’s former governor, Maj. Gen. Peter Cirimwami, was shot by M23 fighters on the front lines during a recent battle with government forces.
Videos circulated on social media on January 27, 2025â”the day M23 seized control of Gomaâ”showed large numbers of inmates running out of the prison.
Bahati stated that the escaped prisoners who remain at large are among the “problems” facing the new administration.
“This city is facing three major problems. The first is that the prison was holding criminals. All of those criminals have been released; they are now out. They escapedâ”the government freed them before we arrived here [in Goma],” he told the media.
He added that the new leadership of North Kivu is working with local authorities to apprehend “all criminals” seeking to disrupt security, including the escaped inmates from Munzenze Prison.
Governor Bahati stated that the new administration will arrest those seeking to disrupt Goma’s security.
The move, announced on Thursday, has sparked global condemnation while receiving support from some quarters.
The sanctions come in response to the ICC’s recent arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu over alleged war crimes in Gaza, which Israel denies, and a Hamas commander.
Trump accused the court of engaging in “illegitimate and baseless actions” that threaten U.S. sovereignty and national security interests.
In a statement, the ICC condemned the sanctions and vowed to continue its judicial work.
“The court stands firmly by its personnel and pledges to continue providing justice and hope to millions of innocent victims of atrocities across the world,” the ICC said, urging its 125 member states to support its staff.
Trump’s executive order has drawn sharp criticism from European leaders. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen condemned the sanctions, stating that the ICC “must be able to freely pursue the fight against global impunity.”
Dutch Foreign Minister Caspar Veldkamp also voiced regret, emphasizing the court’s role in combating war crimes.
Meanwhile, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban, a staunch Trump ally, praised the move, suggesting it was time for Hungary to reconsider its participation in the ICC.
“New winds are blowing in international politics. We call it the Trump-tornado,” Orban posted on X.
The sanctions include asset freezes and travel bans on designated ICC officials and their families. Court officials met in The Hague on Friday to assess the implications of these measures, which could significantly impact the court’s operations.
The U.S. has historically opposed ICC jurisdiction over its nationals. During his first administration, Trump imposed similar sanctions on former ICC prosecutor Fatou Bensouda over investigations into alleged American war crimes in Afghanistan. Those sanctions were later lifted by President Joe Biden’s administration.
The ICC has faced resistance from powerful nations before. In 2023, Russia banned ICC chief prosecutor Karim Khan and placed him on a wanted list after the court issued an arrest warrant for President Vladimir Putin over the alleged deportation of Ukrainian children.
In response to increasing pressure on the ICC, a coalition of nations, including South Africa and Malaysia, recently formed the ‘Hague Group’ to defend the court’s authority and rulings.
The UN has urged Washington to reverse its decision, warning that the sanctions undermine international justice efforts. However, Trump and his allies remain firm in their stance, arguing that the ICC unfairly targets Israel and threatens U.S. national security interests.
U.S. President Donald Trump has imposed economic and travel sanctions on individuals involved in International Criminal Court (ICC) investigations targeting American citizens and U.S. allies such as Israel.
The South African National Defence Force (SANDF) has a weight problem. Nearly 10% of its 60,000 soldiers are overweight or even obese. That is 6,000 troops who might struggle to run after an enemy, let alone complete a fitness test. Instead of fighting on the battlefield, it seems some are fighting to fit into their uniforms.
So, how did we get here? The love for good food is real. Many soldiers admit they just cannot resist a big meal (who can say no to a braai?). Then there is the issue of cravings, because why do sit-ups when slap chips are calling your name?
The cost of eating healthy is another factor since a salad is somehow pricier than a greasy burger. And let us not forget the all-time favourite excuse: 'I am too busy to exercise.'
The issue of overweight soldiers came into sharp focus last year when pictures of some South African soldiers deployed in the Democratic Republic of Congo to fight against M23 started circulating online. Many questioned whether they would even be able to run when necessary.
The images sparked debates about SANDF’s combat readiness and the physical condition of its troops, especially when facing an opponent like M23. Unlike SANDF’s troops, M23 fighters are known for being physically fit, battle-hardened, and experienced in guerrilla warfare.
Since South African soldiers have already been deployed in the DRC and have suffered heavy casualties, President Cyril Ramaphosa must make sure they are not sent back as mere ingredients for another tragic recipe. If they are to be there, at least give them the tools to fight, not just prayers and press statements.
The South African Army is not just struggling with overweight soldiers; it is drowning in a sea of problems. Budget constraints have left defence spending at a measly 0.7% of GDP, leading to underfunding in critical areas. Ageing equipment means many military assets are outdated, and financial struggles make maintenance a nightmare. Personnel costs eat up a massive portion of the defence budget, leaving little room for essential operations.
On top of that, skills shortages are affecting operational readiness, while an ageing personnel base means fewer soldiers are physically fit for active duty. The number of medically deployable forces is low, further limiting the army’s ability to respond effectively to crises. No wonder their recent mission in Mozambique was a complete failure.
Structural challenges caused by past restructuring efforts have created inefficiencies, and to make matters worse, corruption and mismanagement have drained resources and shattered trust within the military.
Recent casualties in peacekeeping missions in the DRC have only further highlighted these issues, straining international relations and proving that the SANDF is ill-equipped to handle modern conflicts.
It is time for action, not excuses. Mess halls need to serve healthier meals with less grease and more greens. Fitness should be non-negotiable. If you cannot meet basic fitness standards, you should not be in the army.
Leadership is also important. Commanders need to lead by example. If the bosses are fit, the troops will follow. At the end of the day, an army that cannot run, cannot fight. If SANDF wants to stay ready for real battles like the one in DRC, it needs to win the war against weight first. Otherwise, the only thing some soldiers will be chasing is the lunch menu.
South African Defence Force soldiers have been repeatedly warned to slim down.
According to Radio France Internationale (RFI), the move aims to thwart a potential offensive by the M23 armed group to capture the city of Bukavu.
The reinforcements consist of a full battalion. Reports indicate that the troops were assembled at a military base in Gatumba, near the border, before their deployment to the DRC.
This battalion will be the 16th unit of Burundian forces stationed in the DRC since 2022, following a cooperation agreement between the two countries to combat armed groups in North and South Kivu.
Burundian troops have been fighting alongside the Congolese army in a coalition that includes the FDLR, a terrorist group formed by remnant perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
Previously, all Burundian troops stationed in North Kivu were redeployed to South Kivu after suffering losses against M23. They are now securing key strategic locations, including Kavumu, home to a critical airport.
The withdrawal of these troops, led by Brigadier General Pontien Hakizimana, also known as “Mingi,” from North Kivu reportedly facilitated M23’s capture of Sake and Goma.
Reports now suggest that M23 could advance toward Bukavu if its positions continue to come under attack.
Burundian troops have been fighting alongside the Congolese army in a coalition that includes the FDLR, a terrorist group
Reports suggest that the deployment aims to thwart a potential offensive by the M23 armed group to capture the city of Bukavu.
