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Kenyatta, the facilitator of the East African Community (EAC)-led Nairobi Peace Process, emphasized that both initiatives play complementary roles in addressing the multi-layered crisis.

“The two processes of Luanda and Nairobi hold the greatest promise for a resolution and termination of the crisis in the eastern DRC. The two processes are complementary and interdependent,” Kenyatta stated in a briefing submitted to the EAC, the African Union (AU), and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) on Thursday, February 6, 2025.

Distinct yet complementary approaches

The Nairobi Process, spearheaded by the EAC, aims to mediate a resolution between the Government of the DRC and various armed groups active in the eastern regions of the country. Since its inception in 2022, the initiative has hosted multiple rounds of peace talks in Nairobi, aiming to facilitate the disarmament and reintegration of armed factions.

“The political aspect [of the Nairobi Process] focused on engaging all stakeholders including armed groups, political factions, civil society, and regional partners in an inclusive conversation aimed at resolving the conflict and fostering long-term peace,” Kenyatta explained.

This initiative also led to the deployment of the EAC Regional Force (EACRF) to maintain security in volatile areas. However, recent political shifts in the DRC, coupled with renewed violence in North and South Kivu, have significantly undermined its progress.

The Luanda Peace Process, on the other hand, is mediated by Angola under the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) and the African Union (AU). It primarily seeks to de-escalate tensions between the DRC and Rwanda, which Kinshasa accuses of backing the M23 rebel group—claims that President Paul Kagame has repeatedly dismissed.

In November 2022, the process facilitated a ceasefire agreement between the DRC government and M23 rebels, but its implementation has been inconsistent.

Kenyatta’s report highlights setbacks faced by the Nairobi Peace Process, particularly the disruption caused by the December 2023 DRC elections and the subsequent formation of a new government. These political shifts slowed down peace negotiations, exacerbating security instability in the region.

“Following the December 2023 elections in the DRC, the formation of a new government delayed the resumption of the Nairobi Process. While engagements with key stakeholders continued, the lack of political momentum, coupled with renewed hostilities in North Kivu and South Kivu, has significantly undermined the progress made in 2022-2023,” he stated.

The M23 rebels last month regained control of key towns, including Goma, leading to renewed conflict in the eastern DRC.

Despite these challenges, Kenyatta remains hopeful that a concerted effort involving both peace processes can lead to lasting peace.

“There is an African solution to this African problem, and it is predicated on bringing both DRC and Rwanda back to the negotiation table while at the same time ensuring that the internal dynamics of people and politics in the eastern DRC are managed and directed to a path of peace and reconciliation through the Intra-Congolese Dialogue process,” he asserted.

The upcoming joint Summit of SADC and EAC, scheduled for February 7-8, 2025, in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, as well as the African Union’s 37th Ordinary Session, will be crucial in determining the next steps for the peace efforts.

Kenyatta’s report urges renewed political will, regional coordination, and sustained international support to prevent further deterioration of the security situation.

Former Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta has reaffirmed the importance of the Nairobi and Luanda peace processes in resolving the ongoing conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), highlighting the need for renewed political will and regional cooperation.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

These lawmakers have called for the withdrawal of South African troops and the repatriation of the fallen soldiers, though challenges persist as some troops are reportedly surrounded by M23 fighters.

As he declared national mourning in the State of the Nation Address on Thursday, February 6, 2025, President Cyril Ramaphosa read the names of the fallen soldiers, who held various ranks, including Corporals, Staff Sergeants, Riflemen, and Privates.

“I have directed that the national flag be flown at half-mast in honor of these fallen heroes for a week, starting tomorrow morning,” he said.

The South African National Defence Force (SANDF) deployed soldiers to the eastern DRC as part of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) since 2023. The mandate was extended for another year in November 2024.

The initial deployment consisted of 5,000 soldiers, including 2,900 from South Africa, which leads the mission, alongside 2,100 from Tanzania and Malawi.

On June 26, 2024, it was announced that SADC had reinforced its presence in Goma, increasing troop numbers from the initial 5,000 in North Kivu to over 9,000.

Reports indicate that South Africa contributed an additional 2,600 troops, while Tanzania and Malawi reinforced their contingents with 750 and 1,000 soldiers, respectively.

Despite this buildup, the forces have not met the DRC government’s expectations, as they have failed to push M23 out of the areas under its control. Instead, the rebel group has continued to expand its territory.

Ramaphosa’s recent statement has sparked mixed reactions. Critics have questioned the characterization of South African soldiers in the DRC as peacekeepers, noting that they were directly involved in combat with M23.

Some have even suggested that the soldiers were sent to the conflict zone as part of the president’s mining interests, with claims that they were sent to die in the process.

The bodies of South African soldiers who died in clashes with the M23 rebel group continue to decompose in Goma, with reports indicating that some remain scattered in different locations and have not been placed in hospital mortuaries.

President Cyril Ramaphosa declared the national mourning in the State of the Nation Address.

IGIHE

Professor Thomas Mandrup, an associate professor at Stellenbosch University and the Royal Danish Defence College, criticized the mission, arguing that it was ill-advised due to insufficient resources and poor planning.

SANDF deployed soldiers to the eastern DRC as part of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) mission which comprises nearly 3,000 troops. The mandate was extended for another year in November 2024.

The operation saw South African forces supporting the Congolese army and allied militia groups in confronting the M23 rebel group, which had been attempting to capture the city of Goma.

At least 14 SANDF soldiers lost their lives in fierce fighting in and around Goma, as well as in the battle for control over the town of Sake in late January.

Professor Mandrup explained that the mission’s offensive nature was a critical misstep. The SANDF was given a mandate to neutralize rebel groups, particularly M23, and was expected to carry out offensive operations.

However, according to Mandrup, the SANDF was not adequately equipped for such a task, nor were they fully prepared for the complexities of the situation on the ground.

'The South African Defence Force is underfunded and has been for years,' said Mandrup. 'The necessary renewal of equipment and operational readiness has not taken place, leaving the SANDF with outdated tools for an operation of this scale.'

He added that while certain elite units within the SANDF, such as the special forces, maintain international reputations for excellence, the broader force faces significant challenges, including personnel shortages and a lack of adequate training and equipment.

Furthermore, Mandrup noted that warnings from military analysts, academics, and professionals were ignored before the deployment.

'The political level failed to address these warnings, deploying soldiers without the necessary means to carry out their mandate effectively,' he added.

South Africa’s Minister for Defence, Angie Motshekga, was on Tuesday at pains to explain to members of parliament in the Joint Standing Committee on Defence the decision to deploy forces without essential support like air cover and offensive tools.

The MPs rejected Minister Motshekga’s explanation that South African soldiers were sent to the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) to restore peace in the eastern region. The MPs argued that the true nature of the mission was unclear, with some asserting that the troops should be brought home immediately.

The Minister’s comments raised more questions about the decision-making process, with Mandrup asking whether the risks were properly assessed and whether the SANDF Chief was given adequate resources to ensure success.

SANDF deployed soldiers to the eastern DRC as part of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) mission which comprises nearly 3,000 troops.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

The fighting reached a critical point on January 27 when M23 captured Goma, a strategic city in North Kivu, forcing Congolese troops to retreat. While thousands of soldiers sought protection under the United Nations (UN) peacekeeping mission, others crossed into Rwanda.

It was an ironic twist. Just days earlier, these same forces and their coalition had launched attacks into Rwandan territory, resulting in the tragic deaths of 16 innocent civilians.

Yet, when they found themselves on the losing end of the battle, Rwanda responded not with hostility but with dignity and humanitarian aid.

Many of these soldiers surrendered because they felt abandoned. Upon arrival in Rwanda, several soldiers admitted they had been deployed into battle with no clear mission, inadequate equipment, and minimal leadership.

They described being sent to fight M23 as though they were being led to their deaths, prompting them to lay down their weapons and seek refuge.

One soldier, upon reaching Rubavu, told IGIHE that when M23 entered Goma, they were stationed at the city’s airport.

“How could we be sent to the airport when the enemy forces had surrounded the entire city and were firing everywhere? That combat strategy made no sense,” he said.

He explained that when he saw shells heading toward their location, he realized the situation was deteriorating. He sought refuge at a UN peacekeeping mission, MONUSCO camp, but after being turned away, he fled to Rwanda.

While some soldiers fled to Rwanda, others sought shelter under MONUSCO, with over 3,000 FARDC troops currently under its protection. Their future remains uncertain as the situation in eastern DRC continues to evolve.

Now, 131 FARDC soldiers are sheltered in Rugerero Sector, Rubavu District, receiving food, clothing, medical care, and proper living conditions. Among them is a female soldier.

The accommodation offers structure and stability, contrasting with the uncertainty of war.

The soldiers have access to recreational facilities and a dedicated kitchen where they prepare meals from the supplies provided.

Some have even admitted that their current conditions in Rwanda are better than what they experienced in the DRC, highlighting the struggles they faced within their own ranks.

One of the surrendered soldiers, Lt. Kasereke Tshombe, praised the reception they received in Rwanda and made an appeal to his government to facilitate their return home.

“We are grateful to the government of Rwanda for their warm welcome. Our appeal to the Congolese government is to facilitate our safe return home. We also request means to communicate with our families so they know we are safe,” he said.

AFC/M23 coordinator Corneille Nangaa recently emphasized that both those who surrendered and those captured on the battlefield remain their brothers.

“They are Congolese, just like us. They had a mission to accomplish, but they were sent by their president, who later abandoned them. They fought to protect his power. He left them to starve, recruited children into the army, rushed their training, and sent them to the battlefield under the influence of drugs.”

Nangaa added that the captured soldiers have choices regarding their future, especially since many had already lost the will to fight. However, he stressed that they would not be abandoned.

“Some are even willing to join us and be part of our revolution. We are sending them to centers where they will be taught self-reliance, good conduct, and how a revolution works,” he said.

It wasn’t just soldiers who fled the violence. Ordinary Congolese civilians also sought refuge in Rwanda, escaping the chaos of war. They were welcomed, given essential supplies, and, as stability gradually returned to Goma, many have since begun their journey back home.

For the people of Goma, the reality on the ground has changed. Businesses have reopened, hospitals are functional, and schools are running without disruption. Residents report feeling safer than before, relieved from the abuses they previously endured at the hands of undisciplined soldiers.

Rwanda’s decision to shelter former enemy soldiers and displaced civilians, despite previous hostilities, reflects a broader commitment to humanitarian values, choosing to extend a hand where others might have turned them away.

These soldiers are grateful for their living conditions and commend the Rwandan government for welcoming them generously, despite the destruction caused by their comrades.

They have been housed in well-equipped homes with all essential amenities.

Surrendered Congolese sodiers sheltered in Rwanda received various clothing items early this week.

They were provided with gas to use for cooking the food of their choice.

Their accommodations are well-designed to ensure they live in comfort.

The security of the center is guaranted day and night.

IGIHE

The 2025 edition of the race is set to take place from February 23 to March 2, bringing together top cyclists from Africa and around the world.

In a press statement issued on Thursday, February 6, Tour du Rwanda and the Rwanda Cycling Federation (FERWACY) reassured teams, riders, and fans that the security situation in Rwanda remains stable.

While recent clashes in Eastern DRC had briefly affected areas near the Rwandan border, organisers stated that all necessary measures have been taken to prevent any disruption to the race.

'Life in Rubavu and all across Rwanda continues as normal. Therefore, the Tour du Rwanda can proceed without any alteration to the schedule, and riders, teams, and supporters can be assured of a safe and enjoyable event,' the statement read.

The Tour du Rwanda, first held in 1988, has grown into one of Africa’s most renowned cycling events.

The Tour du Rwanda, first held in 1988, has grown into one of Africa’s most renowned cycling events. Initially a regional competition, the race became part of the UCI Africa Tour in 2009 and is currently classified as a 2.1 category race, attracting elite professional teams from across the world.

Known for its challenging mountainous routes, the Tour du Rwanda is regarded as one of the most demanding races on the continent. The event not only tests the endurance and skill of cyclists but also showcases Rwanda’s breathtaking landscapes and vibrant culture.

Joe Blackmore from Israel – Premier Tech won the 2024 Tour du Rwanda. He had a fantastic race, even celebrating his 21st birthday during the event and taking the race lead that day. He sealed his victory with a solo win in the final stage in Kigali. It was his first UCI race win, making it a very special achievement.

Joe Blackmore from Israel – Premier Tech won the 2024 Tour du Rwanda.

Beyond its sporting significance, the Tour du Rwanda plays a crucial role in promoting tourism and economic development in the country. The event is a major source of national pride, uniting Rwandans who enthusiastically line the race routes to cheer for local and international riders.

The 2025 edition of Tour du Rwanda is set to take place from February 23 to March 2, bringing together top cyclists from Africa and around the world.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

In a statement on X, Bisimwa accused the Kinshasa regime of engaging in a shameful controversy over the matter. He insisted that the fallen soldiers, comprising FARDC troops and allied groups, including Wazalendo, FDLR, FDNB, and mercenaries were killed in battle after rejecting a chance to surrender.

“It is well known and widely acknowledged, through videos that circulated around the world, that the defeated FARDC and their allies refused to comply with the order from our forces to surrender their weapons to MONUSCO and be confined at the Stade de l’Unité,” Bisimwa stated.

According to the M23 leader, the Congolese forces instead chose to fight in the city center, where they were ultimately neutralized. He revealed that their bodies were collected by health authorities, stored at Goma Hospital’s morgue, and later buried.

Bisimwa further claimed that no family in Goma is mourning these deaths, implying that the casualties were exclusively government troops and their foreign allies, rather than civilians.

The Congolese government has not responded directly to Bisimwa’s statement, but officials in Kinshasa have previously accused M23 of committing atrocities in Goma.

Currently, the bustling capital of North Kivu Province, is experiencing an unusual calm after days of intense fighting as the M23 rebel group has solidified its control.

However, the city remains a focal point in the ongoing conflict between the rebels and government forces as international observers continue to monitor the situation amid concerns over the humanitarian impact of the fighting.

Bertrand Bisimwa says that the Congolese forces chose to fight in the city center where they were ultimately neutralized.

IGIHE

Judge Deborah L. Boardman from the United States District Court for the District of Maryland issued a preliminary injunction after a court hearing in Greenbelt, Maryland, in a case filed by civil rights groups seeking to block Trump’s order. The injunction applies nationally.

“The Maryland lawsuit is one of at least six different federal cases brought against Trump’s order by a total of 22 Democratic-led states and more than half a dozen civil rights groups,” according to The Washington Post.

Trump signed the order hours after taking office on January 20. It directed federal agencies to halt recognition of citizenship for children born after February 19, if neither parent is a U.S. citizen nor a permanent resident.

Over 20 states and civil rights groups immediately filed lawsuits challenging the order, calling it blatantly “unconstitutional.”

On January 23, Senior U.S. District Judge John Coughenour, a federal judge in Seattle, Washington state, temporarily blocked Trump’s executive order for at least 14 days, as lawsuits in Washington state and elsewhere over Trump’s action proceeded.

The 14th Amendment states that “all persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States.”

Trump’s executive order argued that the 14th Amendment “has always” excluded from birthright citizenship persons who were born in the United States but not “subject to the jurisdiction thereof.”

President Donald Trump signed an order ending birthright citizenship hours after taking office on January 20. The order directed federal agencies to stop recognizing citizenship for children born after February 19 if neither parent is a U.S. citizen nor a permanent resident.

Xinhua

In a post on X, Joe Wilson, who has represented South Carolina’s 2nd Congressional District in the U.S. House of Representatives since 2001, urged the Congolese leader to use the upcoming joint summit of heads of state from the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, as a platform for cooperation rather than escalating tensions with Rwanda.

He emphasized that the crisis in “Goma is in the hands of Tshisekedi.”

“Félix Tshisekedi must get serious about the peace process in the Eastern DRC now. The EAC summit in Dar es Salaam is an opportunity for the DRC to work together with Paul Kagame for peace, not point fingers and deepen tensions,” he wrote.

.@FelixUdps must get serious about the peace process in the Eastern DRC now. The @jumuiya summit in Dar es Salaam is an opportunity for DRC to work together with @PaulKagame for peace, not point fingers and deepen tensions. The crisis in Goma is in the hands of Tshisekedi.

— Joe Wilson (@RepJoeWilson) February 4, 2025

Tshisekedi skipped an extraordinary summit convened by the EAC on January 29 to address the deteriorating security situation in eastern DRC. His absence raised concerns about Kinshasa’s willingness to embrace dialogue, even as pressure mounts for a political resolution to the conflict.

He has previously resisted direct negotiations with M23, labeling them a terrorist group. His government has also failed to honour previous agreements with the rebels, who claim to be fighting against the marginalization and persecution of Congolese Rwandophones. Instead, Kinshasa has accused Rwanda of aiding the group’s activities—allegations Rwanda has denied.

The EAC summit, chaired by Kenya’s President William Ruto and attended by President Paul Kagame and other regional leaders, urged Tshisekedi’s administration to engage directly with M23 rebels and other armed groups in a bid to resolve the escalating crisis in the country’s east.

SADC, which is contributing troops to the region, held a separate meeting last Friday and made a similar appeal to the Congolese government.

On Monday, President Ruto said both President Kagame and President Tshisekedi had confirmed their participation in the upcoming summit, which aims to “coordinate responses” to the crisis.

'Through our collective effort, we will ensure security reigns on our continent,' he said.

The meeting will be preceded by a ministerial session on Friday, before the Heads of State convene on Saturday.

'President Samia Suluhu Hassan has graciously agreed to host the summit to deliberate on the situation in Eastern DRC,' Kenya’s State House said in a statement.

DRC President Félix Tshisekedi skipped an extraordinary summit convened by the EAC on January 29 to address the deteriorating security situation in eastern DRC. His absence raised concerns about Kinshasa’s willingness to embrace dialogue, even as pressure mounts for a political resolution to the conflict.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

The news comes after some players received criticism for celebrations many feel crossed the line by mocking opponents. Iliman Ndiaye received a yellow card after he scored Everton’s winner against Brighton and then celebrated by flapping his arms like a seagull.

But when Myles Lewis-Skelly mimicked Erling Haaland in his goal celebration at the Emirates, he received no punishment. Arsenal went on to beat Manchester City 5-1 on Sunday.

Former Arsenal forward Theo Walcott praised Lewis-Skelly for his strength of character, saying: 'He was not afraid of Haaland at all.'

However, Gary Neville and Jamie Carragher both said they thought the 18-year-old’s actions were disrespectful. The celebration came after Haaland mocked the Lewis-Skelly at the end of an ill-tempered 2-2 draw at the Etihad in September, taunting him by asking: 'Who are you?'

In the past, Jamie Vardy has mimicked an eagle when scoring against Crystal Palace and was criticized by some for his interactions with the Tottenham supporters at the end of last month, when Leicester beat Tottenham 2-1. He received no caution for either action.

Similarly, Neal Maupay was thought to be mocking James Maddison when he copied the midfielder’s darts celebration after scoring for Brentford against Spurs a year ago.

Maddison then criticized Maupay in his post-match interview and the forward hit back on social media.
This season, Phil Foden and Joshua Zirkzee have pretended to fire guns towards the crowd after scoring goals but received no punishment.

In the NFL, players who imitate the shooting of weapons when celebrating face heavy post-match fines.
The Premier League’s chief football officer, Tony Scholes, said: 'There’s a balance. I think we all like to see celebrations. Some of the celebrations have been very funny, entertaining, but there’s a line.

'Once it crosses over into mockery or criticism then we would need to deal with it.'

The Premier League may consider imposing punishments on individual players over goal celebrations.

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