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Nteziryayo’s appointment was announced on December 24. She takes over from Kampeta Pitchette Sayinzoga, whose six-year tenure was marked by significant institutional growth, improved financial performance, and an expanded role in mobilizing both domestic and external capital to support Rwanda’s national development priorities.

During the past six years, data show that BRD’s total assets grew from Frw 157 billion to over Frw 1.02 trillion, while the loan portfolio increased from Frw 167 billion to Frw 710 billion.

Annual profitability turned around from a loss to a profit of Frw 22.8 billion, reflecting improved financial sustainability. The bank also achieved a fourfold leverage effect, mobilising three additional francs from external sources for every franc invested by the government.

Over the same period, BRD’s investments contributed to a wide range of national priorities. Notable achievements included connecting over 500,000 households to electricity, raising export volumes from 80 metric tonnes to 8,566 metric tonnes, and issuing Rwanda’s first sustainability-linked bond, which raised Frw 63.5 billion for impact-driven projects.

In education, the digitalisation of the Government student bursary scheme enabled faster disbursements and expanded support for post-graduation bursary reimbursements.

Nteziryayo brings over a decade of experience in macroeconomic policy, debt management, fiscal strategy, and sustainable finance.

She previously served as Chief Economist at the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning, where she played a central role in shaping Rwanda’s medium-term economic framework, coordinating sovereign financing, and enhancing fiscal sustainability.

BRD, established in 1967, continues to play a key role in providing long-term, tailored financing to sectors critical for Rwanda’s socio-economic transformation, aligned with Vision 2050 and the National Strategy for Transformation.

Kampeta Pitchette Sayinzoga (right) has officially handed over leadership to Stella Rusine Nteziryayo (left).

Nteziryayo brings over a decade of experience in macroeconomic policy, debt management, fiscal strategy, and sustainable finance.

IGIHE

In separate statements, the U.S. Department of State and the U.S. Department of the Treasury said a Venezuelan company targeted by the sanctions had been involved in the sale of millions of dollars’ worth of Iranian-designed combat unmanned aerial vehicles (UAV).

Other sanctioned entities and individuals were accused of supporting procurement networks linked to Iran’s drone and ballistic missile programs, said the statements.

“The entities and individuals designated today demonstrate Iran is actively proliferating its combat UAVs and continues to procure missile-related items in violation of UN restrictions,” State Department Principal Deputy Spokesperson Tommy Pigott said.

He added that the Trump administration will take action to curb Iran’s ballistic missile program, block its development of other conventional and asymmetric weapons, and prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon.

“We will continue to take swift action to deprive those who enable Iran’s military-industrial complex access to the U.S. financial system,” said Treasury Under Secretary for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence John K. Hurley.

The U.S. Treasury Department also said that Iran’s UAV and missile programs threaten U.S. and allied personnel in the Middle East and disrupt commercial shipping in the Red Sea.

The sanctions came one day after U.S. President Donald Trump, when meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Florida, warned that the United States would support renewed strikes if Iran tries to rebuild its ballistic missile program.

In response to Trump’s remarks, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian on Tuesday warned on X that his country would respond harshly to any act of aggression.

“The Islamic Republic of Iran’s response to any cruel aggression would be harsh and regret-inducing,” Pezeshkian said.

Tensions between Iran and the United States have escalated after a series of strikes in June. On June 13, Israel launched airstrikes on several locations in Iran, including nuclear and military sites, killing senior commanders, nuclear scientists and civilians. On June 22, U.S. forces bombed Iran’s nuclear facilities at Natanz, Fordow and Isfahan.

Relations between the United States and Venezuela have also remained strained, with Caracas repeatedly accusing Washington of pursuing regime change and expanding its military presence in the region under what the United States calls an anti-narco-terrorism campaign.

Xinhua

The conflict intensified in January 2025, as AFC/M23 fighters advanced from the mountainous areas surrounding the city of Sake in Masisi Territory. By mid-January, they captured the city and successfully blocked key supply routes used by the DRC army for transporting weapons.

On January 20, Burundian troops were stationed in Minova, in the Kalehe Territory, tasked with preventing the AFC/M23 coalition from entering Goma. However, by January 21, AFC/M23 had already withdrawn from the area, setting their sights on Goma, which soon became the focal point of their offensive.

In response, the DRC army launched a series of heavy counterattacks in an attempt to push AFC/M23 fighters out of Sake and back into the Masisi region, specifically targeting the Mushaki area. However, AFC/M23 fighters held their ground and managed to push DRC forces towards the outskirts of Goma.

Tragically, during the fighting on January 24, General Maj Peter Cirimwami, the Governor of North Kivu, was killed in Kasangezi while visiting DRC troops engaged in the battle. He succumbed to his injuries while being transferred to Kinshasa for medical treatment.

Despite the setback, AFC/M23 fighters showed no signs of slowing down. The group’s spokesperson, Lawrence Kanyuka, issued a call for DRC forces to vacate Goma, warning that their arrival in the city was imminent, a warning that many initially dismissed as a joke.

On the morning of January 27, a fierce battle broke out in Goma, with the airport becoming a key battleground. By the end of the day, AFC/M23 had taken control of all major locations within the city. In their wake, DRC forces and local militias left behind a considerable amount of heavy weaponry, including Sukhoi-25 fighter jets.

Many DRC forces, alongside Burundian troops, local militias, and the FDLR, retreated to the southern Kivu region, attempting to halt AFC/M23’s advance. Key infrastructure, including the Kavumu airport, which was used by the DRC to launch airstrikes on areas like Minova, became a target for AFC/M23.

On February 14, Kanyuka declared that AFC/M23 had successfully captured the town of Kavumu and its airport, which had been a significant source of conflict for both civilians and the coalition’s military positions.

“We have neutralized the threat at its source,” Kanyuka explained, emphasizing that the control of Kavumu and its surrounding areas was firmly in their hands.

With the capture of Kavumu, AFC/M23 extended their reach towards Bukavu, a journey of approximately 25 kilometers, which they completed on February 16.
Upon entering Bukavu, AFC/M23 fighters found that DRC forces had retreated to Uvira and Kalemie in Tanganyika Province. Meanwhile, Burundian forces, local militias, and the FDLR remained in close proximity, keeping an eye on the developments.

The security situation in Bukavu remained unstable, with some Wazalendo fighters still present in the Kamanyola center. In response, AFC/M23 launched an operation to remove these fighters from the center and the surrounding border areas, pushing them towards Uvira.

The conflict spread further into North Kivu, particularly in Walikale Territory. On March 19, AFC/M23 captured the city of Walikale and the small Kigoma airport, although they eventually withdrew in early April.

AFC/M23’s decision to leave Walikale was part of an effort to build trust in peace negotiations, which had been facilitated by Qatar since March. Qatar had also called for the release of 700 individuals accused of collaborating with the group.

The peace talks, held in Doha, Qatar, helped to de-escalate the violence in eastern DRC, although occasional flare-ups occurred due to provocations by Wazalendo militias. When necessary, AFC/M23 responded with force to assert their control.

On June 29, 2025, AFC/M23 coordinator Corneille Nangaa announced that the coalition now controlled over 34,000 square kilometers of territory, home to more than 11 million people. This area exceeded the size of Rwanda, which has a land area of 26,300 square kilometers and a population of just over 14 million.

Nangaa explained, “Today, AFC/M23 controls over 34,000 square kilometers of land, home to 11 million people. In just five months, our forces have restored security, established stability, and instilled a sense of hope among the local populations.”

In November, heavy fighting erupted in Walungu Territory, where AFC/M23 captured the city of Nzibira on November 21. Later that month, the coalition also seized the Kamanyola center in Walungu, South Kivu, and the Buhimba center in Walikale after defeating the DRC army and local militias.

The situation took a dramatic turn shortly before Rwanda and the DRC signed a peace and economic cooperation agreement on December 4, 2025. Two days before the agreement, the Kamanyola center was shelled, and intense fighting erupted.

In the ongoing conflict in the Rusizi/Ruzizi Valley, AFC/M23 captured several strategic locations, including Katogota, Kaziba, Luberizi, Runingu, Sange, Luvungi, Kiliba, and the city of Uvira. However, at the request of international mediators, including the United States, AFC/M23 later withdrew from Uvira, marking the conclusion of the year’s major military engagements.

The RN2 road was used by AFC/M23 en route to capturing Bukavu

On February 14, AFC/M23 captured Kavumu

In February 2025, AFC/M23 entered the city of Bukavu

Before advancing to Goma, AFC/M23 first captured Minova

AFC/M23 fighters entered the city of Goma on January 27

On February 14, Kanyuka declared that AFC/M23 had successfully captured the town of Kavumu and its airport

This map illustrates the areas in the Rusizi Valley that were captured by AFC/M23 in early December 2025

IGIHE

“We are discussing this with President Trump and representatives of the Coalition of the Willing. This would be a strong position in security guarantees,” Zelensky told reporters, adding that the decision on the issue will be made by the United States.

Earlier on Tuesday, Zelensky said in a post on Telegram that national security advisors of the Coalition of the Willing countries plan to meet in Ukraine on Jan. 3, 2026, followed by a leaders’ meeting in France on Jan. 6.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky said Tuesday that Kiev is in talks with U.S. President Donald Trump over the possible deployment of U.S. troops within the framework of security guarantees for Ukraine, the Interfax-Ukraine news agency reported.

Xinhua

According to a public notice issued by the city authorities, fireworks will light up the skyline at exactly midnight on the night of December 31, 2025, to January 1 2026, as Kigali joins cities around the world in welcoming the New Year.

The displays will take place at several public locations, including City Hall, Kigali Pelé Stadium, Canal Olympia, and Kigali Heights, offering residents and visitors multiple vantage points to enjoy the celebrations. In addition, fireworks will also be launched from selected private venues, namely Hôtel des Mille Collines, Atelier du Vin, Serena Hotels, and KCC Parkings.

City authorities reassured the public that the fireworks are part of a planned and safe activity, organised to celebrate the year’s end and the dawn of a new one. Each display is expected to last between 10 and 19 minutes, creating a vibrant and memorable moment as the countdown to 2026 reaches its climax.

As festivities unfold, the City of Kigali has reminded revellers to drink responsibly and strictly avoid serving alcohol to anyone under the age of 18, emphasising the importance of safety and responsibility during the celebrations.

“We wish everyone a safe and joyful festive season,” the City of Kigali told the residents.

The New Year’s crossover is highly anticipated each year, symbolising fresh beginnings, renewed hope, and collective reflection. Across the globe, cities will be counting down to midnight at different moments depending on their time zones.

The very first place in the world to welcome 2026 will be Kiritimati Island (Christmas Island) in Kiribati, which operates on UTC+14. The island will ring in the New Year at 12:00 p.m. Kigali time. It will be followed by the Chatham Islands of New Zealand (UTC+13:45), before larger Pacific nations such as New Zealand, Samoa, and Tonga enter the New Year, with cities including Auckland, Wellington, Apia, and Nuku'alofa marking midnight soon after. Countries such as Fiji, Kiribati’s Gilbert Islands, and parts of Russia will follow, with cities like Suva, Tarawa, and Anadyr joining the celebrations.

While these islands are technically first, global attention often turns to major international hubs. Auckland is widely recognised as the first major metropolitan city to welcome the New Year, followed by Sydney, renowned for its world-famous fireworks display. Tokyo and Seoul then usher in the New Year shortly afterwards, continuing the wave of celebrations across Asia.

Kigali is set to usher in 2026 in spectacular fashion, with the City of Kigali announcing a coordinated fireworks display to mark the close of 2025 and the start of the New Year.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

Provisional results indicated that Doumbouya secured 86.72 percent of the first-round votes, winning by a wide margin over the other eight candidates.

Abdoulaye Yero Balde, leader of the Democratic Front of Guinea, came a distant second with 6.59 percent of the votes.

According to the electoral authority, about 6.8 million voters were registered for the poll, with a turnout of 80.95 percent. No major security incidents were reported during the election. Political actors, electoral authorities, as well as domestic and international observers generally agreed that the voting process was calm and orderly.

Earlier on Tuesday, four candidates acknowledged their defeat and congratulated Doumbouya on his victory. The Supreme Court is expected to validate and proclaim the final results in the coming days.

This is the first presidential election in Guinea since a military coup overthrew former President Alpha Conde in September 2021, marking an important step toward restoring constitutional order.

In September, Doumbouya promulgated a new constitution through a referendum and announced the presidential election. The new constitution lifted the ban on junta members running for office and extended the presidential term from five to seven years, paving the way for Doumbouya’s candidacy.

According to the official website of the Guinean presidency, Doumbouya, 41, was born on Dec. 5, 1984, in Kankan, in the northeast of the country.

This photo taken on Nov. 11, 2025 shows Mamady Doumbouya (L) attending an official launch ceremony of the Simandou iron ore and infrastructure project held at the port of Morebaya, Forecariah Prefecture, Guinea. Guinea’s transitional President Mamady Doumbouya won the presidential election held on Dec. 28, according to provisional results released Tuesday by the General Directorate of Elections.

Xinhua

The court session followed extensive submissions from both the Prosecution and Defence teams over alleged errors in the indictment. The Defence, led by lawyer Erias Lukwago, argued that the amended indictment still contained inconsistencies.

'The indictment talks of another person, who in my submission is a third, but the summary of the case talks of four people,' Lukwago noted, urging the court to correct the discrepancies.

Justice Emmanuel Baguma adjourned the matter until January 21, 2026, when the case will next be mentioned.

According to the amended indictment, the accused are charged with two counts of misprision of treason. The Prosecution alleges that they held meetings in multiple countries, including Switzerland, Greece, and Kenya, to plot the overthrow of the Ugandan government by force. It further claims that Dr Besigye solicited and received $5,000 to facilitate the travel of 36 people from Uganda to Kisumu, Kenya, for training linked to the alleged plot.

The developments came a day after Besigye and Lutale were denied bail for the fourth time. Justice Emmanuel Baguma ruled that bail could not be granted until the accused had formally entered a plea to the charges.

Veteran Ugandan opposition politician Dr Kizza Besigye refused to take a plea in his ongoing treason trial on Tuesday, describing himself as 'horrified' and 'tired' of repeatedly facing treason charges.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

'The suspension of Major General Sylvain Ekenge from his position as spokesperson for the FARDC is, in fact, just a smokescreen aimed at the international community, as the problem at the top of the state is deeply rooted,' Nduhungirehe said.

He added that the decision, which he said was clearly taken under Western pressure, echoed historical instances where individuals accused of incitement were protected rather than held accountable.

'This suspension reminds us of the exfiltration of Léon Mugesera by President Juvénal Habyarimana after his inflammatory speech in Kabaya in November 1992,' the minister noted.

After Mugesera declared that Tutsi would be killed and dumped into the Nyabarongo River to be sent back to Abyssinia, the judiciary at the time sought to prosecute him. However, the top leadership of the MRND party protected him and helped him flee.

In 1992, Mugesera first went to Spain and later to Canada, where he worked as a university lecturer until January 2012, when he was extradited to Rwanda to face charges brought by the courts.

Nduhungirehe recalled that Mugesera’s speech took place at a time when the Rwandan state was already organising and enabling violence against Tutsi.

'I also remind you that at the same time, President Habyarimana was creating the infamous Interahamwe militia, which was already committing massacres against the Tutsi in Kibilira, Mukingo, Murambi, Bugesera, and elsewhere in the country,' he said.

The remarks come in the wake of public outrage over hate speech targeting Congolese Tutsi, following comments made by Gen Maj Ekenge during a recent appearance on national television. While Congolese authorities announced his suspension shortly afterwards, critics argue that the action does little to address what they describe as entrenched tolerance of extremist rhetoric within state institutions.

Further inflaming tensions, President Félix Tshisekedi recently hosted two Congolese nationals from the United States on December 22 2025, under the banner of 'Congolese Unity'.

One of them, Jean-Claude Mubenga, has previously described Tutsi as 'cockroaches' and a virus that should be eliminated, remarks that drew sharp condemnation.

According to Nduhungirehe, symbolic measures such as temporary suspensions risk obscuring the broader issue of accountability, particularly when senior officials continue to use or tolerate language that fuels ethnic hatred.

The Rwandan government has consistently warned that failure to confront incitement and genocide ideology at leadership level risks further destabilising the eastern region of the DRC and undermines efforts toward lasting peace and regional stability.

The remarks come in the wake of public outrage over hate speech targeting Congolese Tutsi, following comments made by Gen Maj Ekenge during a recent appearance on national television.

President Félix Tshisekedi is on the spot for tolerating ethnically charged slurs, including recently hosting Jean-Claude Mubenga, who has previously described Tutsi as 'cockroaches' and a virus that should be eliminated.

IGIHE

“The enemy is always at the door because the devil is still the king of the world. Things should be addressed the way they are. You know that we have a neighbor to the north of our country who has not been on good terms with us, and now they continue to pursue us, accusing us of being interference in a plan to conquer the neighboring Congo,” he said.

However, political analyst Tite Gatabazi believes Ndayishimiye uses this rhetoric to divert attention from internal issues.

“He faces numerous internal challenges, including governance issues, corruption, and the shortage of basic necessities including food and fuel. To maintain control over his population, he must create an external enemy. Since he cannot find one internally, he seeks one outside the country to shift the blame for his problems,” Gatabazi told IGIHE.

Gatabazi added: “In order to distract the population from these issues, he has to reinforce the idea that Rwanda is about to attack… ‘You are asking me for this and that, but do you realize we are about to be attacked?’”

Ndayishimiye further claimed that Burundi is always prepared for any conflict, asserting, “Burundi is not a country to be trifled with. Therefore, you must be cautious and work together with your leaders and the people. What we promise is that we are always prepared for that war. Let me inform you that all the citizens are alert. Whoever dares to attack Burundi will know how the war begins but will not know how it will end.”

However, Gatabazi believes that Ndayishimiye’s leadership is marred by corruption, where the military is divided along ethnic lines, training is based on nepotism, and officials embezzle funds, making it impossible for them to have the modern equipment necessary to win a war.

'Ndayishimiye is left with only words; he knows it, he doesn’t have the resources or the military strength. We have seen this in North Kivu and South Kivu, but he continues to rely on rhetoric. However, these words have political intentions. He is trying to show Burundians that he is their leader by saying, 'Don’t worry, Rwanda will not defeat us’.'

Despite his boastful claims, Ndayishimiye’s actions show the challenges his government faces. Burundi’s military, over 20,000 strong, has been deployed in South Kivu, where they fought alongside FARDC and FDLR terrorist group but were ultimately defeated by M23 fighters in December 2025.

According to reports, DRC President Tshisekedi has voiced dissatisfaction with the performance of the Burundian forces, questioning their failure to achieve their objectives.

Gatabazi insists that Ndayishimiye’s rhetoric is a tactic to manipulate the population.
“He knows very well that Rwanda has no plans to attack him, and that is why he continues to boast. He uses this to manipulate his people, but you can see he is afraid.”

Ndayishimiye’s reliance on his relationship with the DRC complicates his position on Rwanda.

Gatabazi explained that President Ndayishimiye’s reliance on Kinshasa is so strong that he is not ready to soften his approach towards Rwanda.

'Ndayishimiye is using rhetoric to avoid taking practical actions. If he opens the borders, he would be betraying Tshisekedi, and we know the Belgians would not approve of that. He is trying to show that he is open to talks but is also looking for ways to delay the implementation of agreements from those talks, to give himself a reason to blame others,” he added.

Since January 2024, Burundi has closed its borders with Rwanda, accusing it of supporting the RED Tabara rebels.

Rwanda has repeatedly denied these claims, emphasizing that the refugees from Burundi, who fled in 2015, are civilians and can return freely.

At the same time, Rwanda has accused Burundi of working with FDLR, a terrorist group with intentions to threaten Rwanda’s security.

Gatabazi confirmed that even before the FDLR group was involved in smuggling precious minerals through the Bujumbura market, with many of its fighters running investments in the country.

Burundian President Evariste Ndayishimiye once again revived anti-Rwanda rhetoric in his New Year’s address to security forces.

IGIHE