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Though the court acquitted him of direct charges of 'genocide' and 'crimes against humanity,' the judgement nonetheless held that he had played a substantial role: he disseminated anti-Tutsi propaganda, supervised the burials of mass victims in the Butare region, and thereby helped to cover up evidence of mass murder.

His conviction came three decades after the Genocide Against the Tutsi, during which he served not as a healer but as an architect of hate. Far from being a passive witness, Rwamucyo was part of the genocidal establishment that orchestrated and justified the mass murder of more than a million Tutsi.

While Rwamucyo’s 1995 article is academic and reflective in tone, his biography and the facts established in the trial suggest he was deeply rooted in the ideological and logistical networks of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi. He was a lecturer at the National University of Rwanda at Butare and a member of extremist Hutu group Circle of Progressive Republicans (Cercle des républicains progressistes)

Witness statements at his trial alleged he spoke in major public meetings in May and June 1994 before then-Prime Minister Jean Kambanda and relayed extremist messages inciting Hutu to arms— 'in the framework of a civil defence'—while simultaneously organising mass burials in the aftermath of the killings.

His 'Dialogue' piece is part of a larger pattern that shows the transition from intellectual fomenting of extremist ideology (propaganda) to concrete mass-murder logistics (burials, destruction of evidence). It is no accident that the court held: 'one can kill with words.'

Therefore, his discourse is part of the ideological eco-system of genocide: denying, relativising, combining pseudo-peace calls with victim-framing, opposing accountability.

His medical degree, once a mark of learning, became a weapon of moral corruption. According to several testimonies, including that of the late Eugène Kilimobenecyo, Rwamucyo was not merely a participant but the real editor of Kangura Magazine — the infamous propaganda outlet that helped radicalize the Hutu population. Kangura’s pages dripped with venom, portraying Tutsi as traitors and enemies to be exterminated. That Rwamucyo, a man of science, could become a midwife of extermination is a grim reminder that intellect without conscience is merely refined barbarity.

But the trial is only one part of the story. The more pernicious part lies in the ideological work that Rwamucyo has carried out for decades—especially in the form of what appears to be high-minded reflection, theological invocations and calls for 'dialogue,' but which in substance functions as denial, obfuscation and propaganda for the genocidal ideology. It is this manipulative discourse that merits a sharp, critical dissection.

A Genocide Ideologue in the Language of Divinity

After fleeing Rwanda and later settling in Côte d’Ivoire, Rwamucyo attempted to reinvent himself as a 'thinker' and 'moral observer' of Rwanda’s catastrophe. In 1995, barely a year after the genocide, he published an article titled 'Rwandans Have Tried Everything Except Reconciliation, Truth, and Justice!' in DIALOGUE No. 183 — a publication then run by a Rwandan— François Nzabahimana and Belgian Catholic priest Guy Theunis, both known apologists for genocidaires. The journal included a seemingly harmless preface: 'Some readers will find these free comments self-evident; others will not appreciate them much. Yet they recall a fundamental idea: reconciliation passes through honesty.'

The irony is horrendous. Here was a platform claiming to be supporters of 'honesty,' yet hosting a now convicted genocidaire who specialized in the art of distortion. The piece, written in May—June 1995, is a masterclass in manipulative rhetoric, one that demonstrates how the language of reconciliation can be hijacked to erase guilt, dilute moral responsibility, and reframe genocide as a 'civil conflict.'

From the first paragraph, Rwamucyo deploys what should be called moral camouflage: 'It is unjust to accuse an entire people or an entire category of people of being the authors of genocide. It is equally unjust and criminal to justify war and those who provoke it, whatever the circumstances—yesterday as today.'

For anyone versed in the discourse of Hutu Power, the message is unmistakable. The unnamed 'entire people' are the Hutu, and the 'war provokers' are the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), the force that ended the genocide. The formula is sly: by appealing to universal justice, he masks a specific defense of the perpetrators. His tone mimics reasonableness — 'I condemn no one,' he writes — yet it is the calculated neutrality of someone who already knows where his sympathies lie.

Rwamucyo adorns his discourse with religious allusions, seeking moral elevation through theology. He writes: 'I would like to point out a truth from the Gospel of Jesus Christ: the complicit indifference of fearful silence sends many innocents to the gallows. The Jews, who knew perfectly well that Jesus was innocent, nonetheless demanded his crucifixion with loud cries.'

This is not spirituality; it is propaganda dressed in cassock. Please note how the analogy to Jesus shifts the narrative from perpetrator to victim. By comparing himself and his ideological kin to Christ — 'innocents condemned by the crowd' — Rwamucyo reclaims the moral high ground from the victims. He transforms genocidaires into martyrs and their defeat into crucifixion. It is a blasphemy both theological and moral: a grotesque inversion in which executioners become the persecuted.

The tone of victimhood is strategic. It appeals to sympathy from foreign readers who, unfamiliar with Rwanda’s realities, may be seduced by his vocabulary of 'truth,' 'justice,' and 'reconciliation.' But beneath the piety lies a denialist architecture meticulously built on inversion, relativization, and projection.

The Universal Guilt to Destroy History

At the heart of Rwamucyo’s piece lies one of the most persistent tropes of genocide denial — the theory of collective guilt:

'All of us, without exception and without any discrimination, must be able to meet at the point of mea culpa. Here in Africa, and even more so in Rwanda and Burundi, exclusion does not serve the pursuit of peace.'

It sounds generous, even compassionate. But this is precisely the deception. If 'all are guilty,' then no one is answerable or accountable. This rhetorical device — transforming genocide into a mutual tragedy without perpetrators or victims — permits Rwamucyo to erase the asymmetry between those who planned and executed mass murder and those who were hunted and exterminated.

This logic reinforces much of the post-genocide denialist discourse. It disarms moral judgment by destruction of history. The genocide turns into a 'conflict,' a 'cycle of violence,' a 'tribal misunderstanding.' In Rwamucyo’s telling, Rwanda’s tragedy is not a deliberate extermination of Tutsi by a Hutu Power state but the product of 'mutual intolerance.' It is a falsehood that masquerades as moral reflection.

The most revealing — and most pernicious — passage in Rwamucyo’s text is where he ventures into moral equivalence. He writes: 'In this conflict, some 'men of goodwill,’ through excessive zeal, wish to politically annihilate the Hutu refugees. Procedural error. Leaders in a society never cease to exist; roles reverse like communicating vessels: yesterday’s RPF Inkotanyi become today’s Interahamwe and Impuzamugambi of the MRND and the CDR. Each side accuses the other of extremism in turn.'

Here lies the heart of his denialist stratagem: equating the RPF with Interahamwe and Impuzamugambi — the militias that executed the genocide. This is not mere rhetorical exaggeration; it is moral perversion.

The Rwandan Patriotic Front was a political and military movement that stopped the genocide and restored order after the MRND/CDR state had turned into a killing machine. The Interahamwe and Impuzamugambi, by contrast, were militias organized, trained, and armed for the explicit purpose of exterminating Tutsi. To suggest that the two 'exchange roles' is to obliterate the borderline between savior and butcher, defender and aggressor, life and death.

This equivalence is not born of ignorance — Rwamucyo knew exactly what he was doing. It is a carefully thought strategy of moral inversion common among genocide ideologues—during and after 1994. Once the genocidal project was militarily defeated, its intellectual architects sought refuge not in remorse and shame but in rhetoric. They recast themselves as truth-tellers, humanists betrayed by history, and the RPF as their mirror image.

But this comparison is philosophically unsustainable and ethically obscene. It denotes that the difference between genocide and its prevention is merely a matter of perspective. The discourse repudiates the specificity of genocidal intent — and the organized will to destroy a people as such. It obliterates the victims by making them co-conspirators in their own destruction.

The Reasoning of Inversion

Rwamucyo’s equalization of RPF and Interahamwe serves several interlinked purposes:

The first, is the deflection of responsibility: By claiming that 'roles reverse,' he diverts attention from the genocidaires’ premeditated crimes to a supposedly endless cycle of revenge.

Secondly, it is normalization of the crime of genocide: If both sides are equally culpable, genocide becomes just another war crime, stripped of its singularity.

Thirdly, is the victim appropriation: The criminals rebrand themselves as victims of the victors, claiming moral equivalence with those they annihilated.

Lastly, is the intellectual rehabilitation: By entrenching his defense in sophisticated language, Rwamucyo seeks to re-enter the public sphere as a 'thinker,' not a criminal.

This strategy echoes the writings of European Holocaust deniers who sought to relativize Nazi crimes by equating them with Allied bombings. In both cases, the goal is to erode the concept of moral asymmetry, which is the foundation stone of justice.

Language as Weapon: Ideologue’s Toolkit

Throughout his 1995 text, Rwamucyo employs what genocide scholar Herbert Hirsch described as 'the politics of moral equivalence' — the deliberate effort to blur distinctions between victims and perpetrators to avoid collective accountability. His language is both clinical and evasive. Expressions like 'reactionaries,' 'men of goodwill,' 'zeal,' 'procedural error' are used to obscure blood and bodies. The very sentence structure of his writing resists naming the crime.

He never says 'Tutsi.' He never says 'genocide.' Instead, he writes of 'war,' 'conflict,' and 'mutual accusations.' This etymological evasion is the signature of denial. It takes away moral urgency— from atrocity and swaps it with the comfort of abstraction.

His assertion that 'exclusion does not serve peace' is equally deceptive. In 1995, 'exclusion' meant the removal of genocidaires from power and the prosecution of their crimes. To condemn this as intolerance is to reject justice itself. What he calls 'inclusion' is in fact impunity.

The article is a very good example of the intellectualization of hatred. Rwamucyo’s posture as a sensible, intellectual observer is another key component of his manipulation. He writes as an 'occupational physician' and 'environmental hygienist' — as a way of reminding readers of his scientific credentials. But what he practices is moral pseudoscience: the hygienist of truth cleansing history of its inconvenient facts. Truth close to him is filth.

Rwamucyo appeals to European audiences, especially academics and clergy, who were predisposed to construe Rwanda’s genocide against Tutsi through the lens of 'ethnic conflict.' His essay in DIALOGUE thus performed two tasks at the same time: it reassured guilty Western sympathizers of the old regime that they had been misled by propaganda, and it provided ideological cover for fugitives regrouping abroad.

His writing style is full of the moralistic beat typical of genocidal intellectuals who reinvent themselves as 'philosophers of reconciliation.' Every appeal to 'truth' is in fact a denial of reality; every invocation of 'justice' is a refusal of justice—an appeal for impunity.

Theological and Historical Deception

By invoking the Gospel and Christ’s crucifixion, Rwamucyo not only appropriates sacred language but also instrumentalizes it to conceal a crime. The analogy of Jesus’ guiltlessness and unfair public condemnation is carefully chosen. He suggests that Hutu Power’s leaders — and by extension, he himself — were victims of a hysterical crowd manipulated by deceit.

This is purely moral laundering through religion. It draws on the colonial trope of the African Christian intellectual — moral, civilized, misunderstood — and weaponizes it against the truth. For Western readers comfortable with the narrative of African barbarity, this rhetoric offered encouragement: maybe the genocide was not so clear-cut, maybe 'both sides' went too far. That is precisely the vagueness denialists like Rwamucyo needed to survive.

After setting up his moral equivalence, as a framework of self-victimization—Rwamucyo concludes with a lament: 'The great tragedy is that Rwandans have tried everything—except one thing: honest dialogue for peaceful and democratic reconciliation.'

Here he makes himself the prophet of reconciliation — the voice of reason crying in the wilderness. Yet the reconciliation he preaches is one without repentance, one that absolves the murderer without acknowledging the murdered. It is a fake peace, built on erasure.

This ending completes the full circle of denialist discourse: Start with moral relativism ('we are all guilty'). Move to immoral equivalence ('both sides have extremists'). Then conclude with false generosity of spirit ('let us reconcile and move on').

It is the same formula used by numerous planners of violence who later reinvent themselves as peacemakers.

Immoral Equivalency and the Shadow of Impunity

Rwamucyo’s 2024 conviction in France marked not just a legal outcome but the exemplary unmasking of this whole ideology. For decades, he had found refuge in the opacity he created. France’s slow but eventual prosecution tore through the veil of intellectual respectability he had knitted around himself. The verdict declared that behind the white coat and polished French prose lay complicity in one of history’s darkest crimes.

Yet, the importance of his conviction goes beyond his individual guilt. It reveals how language itself can become a sanctuary for killers. Long after the grenades and machetes fell silent, genocide ideologues like Rwamucyo continued the war on truth through words. They replaced physical extermination with discursive erasure — killing memory instead of bodies.

To comprehend the seriousness of Rwamucyo’s manipulation, one must dwell on that single, monstrous equivalence: 'yesterday’s RPF Inkotanyi become today’s Interahamwe and Impuzamugambi.'

It is a case study in denialist psychology. The above statement condenses the entire psychology of denial. It performs three distortions at once: One—temporal inversion: It suggests that the liberators became the killers, reversing the sequence of cause and effect. Two—moral flattening: It diminishes liberation of a country and extermination of a people to interchangeable acts of extremism. Lastly—there is ideological projection: It accuses the RPF of what the Interahamwe actually did — a classic mechanism of guilt displacement.

This moral algebra is designed not to convince the knowledgeable but to confuse the uninformed. It feeds on the Western mania with 'balance,' exploiting journalists and academics who liken impartiality with neutrality. The denier’s genius lies in taking advantage of the moral fatigue — in turning horror into a 'complex issue' unworthy of outrage.

To compare the RPF to the Interahamwe is, therefore, not just historically wrong but ethically monstrous. It is the same as equating the Allies with the SS, the firefighters with the arsonists, or the surgeon with the disease. Such equivalence is the final refuge of the guilty — a last attempt to drag the righteous into the same moral pit.

Continuation of Genocide

As genocide scholar Jacques Semelin once observed, denial is not the final stage of genocide but its continuation by other means. Rwamucyo’s pen did what machetes once did: carve out spaces where truth itself could bleed. His 1995 essay was not a reflection; it was an offensive — a counterattack in the war for memory.

Every paragraph undermined the legitimacy of the new Rwanda, delegitimize justice, and offered moral shelter to fugitives. In denying genocide, Rwamucyo sought to perpetuate it symbolically — to ensure that the victims would remain nameless, their suffering relativized, their killers misunderstood.

His call for 'honest dialogue' rings especially hollow in hindsight. What kind of dialogue can exist between the unrepentant and the resurrected dead? Between those who deny the crime and those who still bear its scars? Dialogue without truth is not reconciliation but amnesia.

For Rwamucyo, however, 'dialogue' meant something else entirely — the restoration of the political legitimacy of genocidaires. It was the coded language of counter-revolution, a call for moral equivalence masquerading as peace.

Rwamucyo embodies the denialist intellectual type — articulate, credentialed, and utterly devoid of conscience. He represents a tradition of elites who used literacy not to enlighten but to rationalize atrocity. In them, intellect serves ideology, not truth.

His writings reveal how denial operates not through shouting but through subtle rephrasing:

Genocide becomes 'conflict.' Killers become 'zealots.' Victims become 'participants.' Justice becomes 'exclusion.' Accountability becomes 'revenge.'

In such discourse, evil hides behind the syntax of civility. The denier speaks calmly, quotes scripture, appeals to peace, and in doing so, kills truth with a smile.

Conclusion: The Danger of Rhetorical Redemption

Dr. Eugène Rwamucyo’s conviction was long overdue, but his words still circulate — a warning to future generations. His 1995 essay remains a textbook example of how denial disguises itself as virtue. It shows that the greatest danger to truth is not the fanatic with a gun but the intellectual with a pen who insists that everyone is equally guilty.

Rwamucyo’s moral universe is built on inversion: criminals as victims, liberators as killers, and lies as honesty. In that upside-down world, genocide becomes a misunderstanding, justice a form of vengeance, and reconciliation a code word for forgetting.

But truth, like justice, resists erasure. The French court’s verdict restored not only legal accountability but moral order. It reminded the world that there can be no reconciliation without truth, no dialogue without acknowledgment, and no peace built on the corpses of memory.

When Rwamucyo wrote that 'Rwandans have tried everything except reconciliation, truth, and justice,' he was right — but not in the way he imagined. The reconciliation he desired was one without repentance; the truth he invoked was a lie; and the justice he sought was immunity.

In the end, his own life became the parable he once tried to distort: the false prophet, convicted not by the crowd’s hysteria but by the enduring voice of truth. His rhetoric, once cloaked in piety, now stands naked before history — proof that even the most eloquent words cannot redeem the silence that follows genocide.

In October 2024, a French court of Assizes sentenced Dr. Eugène Rwamucyo, a Rwandan medical doctor and long-time fugitive from justice, to 27 years in prison for complicity in genocide, complicity in crimes against humanity, and conspiracy to commit these crimes.

Tom Ndahiro

This announcement comes after technical issues on Rwanda’s electricity lines connecting to neighbouring countries caused power disruptions in many parts of the country on the evening of November 9.

Residents in the Gatsibo, Nyagatare, Gicumbi, and Gasabo districts are expected to experience electricity interruptions at different times of the day. From 7:00 AM to 7:00 PM, electricity will be unavailable in several sectors of Gatsibo District, including Kabarore, Rugarama, Rwimbogo, Kiziguro, Kiramuruzi, Murambi, Gasange, Muhura, Remera, Kageyo, Ngarama, Gatsibo, and part of Nyagihanga.

In Nyagatare District, all sectors will be affected, while in Gicumbi District, the outage will impact Bwisige, Ruvune, Giti, Muko, Bukure, Rwamiko, Rutare, Rukomo, Nyamiyaga, and parts of Rushaki, Mukarange, and Mutete.

Additionally, from 11:00 AM to 3:00 PM, parts of Nyarutarama Cell in Remera Sector, Gasabo District, Kigali, will experience power cuts.

REG has advised the public to exercise caution around electrical installations, noting that power may be restored earlier than scheduled.

“The Management of REG regrets any inconveniences that may be caused by this activity and appreciates your full cooperation,” the power company stated.

The Rwanda Energy Group Limited (REG) has announced a planned power outage on Saturday, November 15, 2025, affecting four districts as part of ongoing maintenance works on the Gabiro Substation and the Kibagabaga-Nyarutarama feeder.

IGIHE

Broadcasting from September to October on ST Zone, ST Novela E, and the StarTimes ON streaming platform, the series is designed to strengthen cultural understanding and build deeper ties between China, Africa, and the global community.

This season trails a diverse group of African and international participants, from creatives and entrepreneurs to adventurers, as they share authentic experiences of living, working, and exploring in modern-day China.

Through their lenses, viewers journey across the country’s most compelling destinations: the peaceful beauty of Taizhou, the dynamic rhythm of Chongqing, the historical charm of Chongzhou, the coastal culture of Fujian, the ancient desert landscapes of Dunhuang, and the spiritual heights of Wudang Mountain.

By spotlighting regions beyond China’s major cities, 'A Glimpse of China in the New Era' reveals the country’s vast cultural diversity, evolving local lifestyles, and the sense of opportunity that continues to draw foreigners into China’s rapid transformation.

'Our audience will enjoy powerful cross-cultural stories while gaining a deeper appreciation of China’s cultural depth, seen through the relatable perspectives of foreigners living here,' said Lizzie LYU, Marketing Director of StarTimes.

'This documentary is both visually compelling and educational, a bridge for cultural exchange between Africa and China.'

Beyond its on-air content, StarTimes is also supporting offline activities inspired by the series, encouraging cultural exchange, community engagement, and meaningful dialogue.

With its immersive storytelling and striking imagery, 'A Glimpse of China in the New Era' celebrates the spirit of curiosity, collaboration, and friendship that connects people across borders.

StarTimes has rolled out the latest season of its documentary series, 'A Glimpse of China in the New Era,' presenting a fresh and engaging look at China’s cultural richness as told by foreigners who call the country home.

Broadcasting from September to October on ST Zone, ST Novela E, and the StarTimes ON streaming platform, the series is designed to strengthen cultural understanding and build deeper ties between China, Africa, and the global community.

Beyond its on-air content, StarTimes is also supporting offline activities inspired by the series, encouraging cultural exchange, community engagement, and meaningful dialogue.

Lizzie LYU, Marketing Director of StarTimes, stated that the audience will be captivated by compelling cross-cultural stories, offering a deeper understanding of China’s cultural richness, as seen through the relatable perspectives of foreigners living in Rwanda.

IGIHE

These Rwandans had spent three days at a temporary disarmament and reintegration center in Goma before their return.

According to MONUSCO, a total of 49 Rwandans were repatriated, all of whom expressed joy at returning home and urged their compatriots still in the forests to lay down their arms and live peacefully with others.

From January to October 2025, MONUSCO facilitated the repatriation of 54 Rwandan ex-combatants, mostly from the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), together with 44 of their family members.

Upon arrival in Rwanda, the ex-combatants are taken to the Mutobo Demobilization and Reintegration Center in Musanze District, operated by the Rwanda Demobilization and Reintegration Commission (RDRC), where they receive training to help them reintegrate into civilian life and achieve self-reliance.

On October 30, the RDRC reintegrated 143 former FDLR combatants who had completed between three and six months of training at the Mutobo center.

The commission reaffirmed its commitment to ongoing support for those who choose to return peacefully.

Rwanda received seven combatants from the FDLR terrorist group, along with their family members, on November 10, 2025.

IGIHE

The Simandou deposit is the world’s largest known untapped iron ore reserve, estimated to contain approximately 3 to 4 billion tonnes of high-grade recoverable iron ore.

The project is expected to reach full production capacity by 2030, with an annual output of around 120 million tonnes.

On Wednesday, President Kagame and his host, President Mamadi Doumbouya, will address the opening of this year’s Transform Africa Summit (TAS), organized by the Smart Africa Alliance under the theme 'AI for Africa: Innovate Locally, Impact Globally.'

The Summit, which convenes every other year in Rwanda-home to the Smart Africa Secretariat, brings together leaders and innovators to explore how artificial intelligence can advance Africa’s economic integration, strengthen governance, and foster innovation across the continent.

The Simandou Iron Ore Project is the world’s largest known untapped iron ore reserve.

Rwanda and Guinea enjoy existing cordial relations reinforced through exchanges of visits and cooperation in different areas.

President Kagame last visited Guinea Conakry on Monday, May 13, 2024. He had made a similar trip to Guinea from April 17-18, 2023, which resulted in the signing of an agreement on the creation of a joint cooperation committee between Rwanda and Guinea.

The committee covers areas such as agriculture, ICT, education, mining, and security.

At the time, President Kagame and Doumbouya also witnessed the inauguration of a highway interchange connecting Kagbélen to Conakry that was named after President Kagame.

The project was initiated to ease movement between major industrial cities and Conakry, as well as with neighbouring countries.

In October 2024, both countries also signed a partnership agreement, committing to collaboration across several strategic sectors, including technology, agriculture, investment, services, tourism, energy, and trade.

Meanwhile, General Doumbouya was in Rwanda in May 2025 for a friendly visit aimed at strengthening the strong ties between the two countries.

Upon his arrival, President Doumbouya was warmly welcomed by the Guinean community in Rwanda during a celebratory event held in Kigali.

This visit marked President Doumbouya’s return to Rwanda after his previous trip in August 2024, when he attended the inauguration of President Paul Kagame following his re-election.

Earlier, in January 2024, he had visited to reaffirm the commitment to bilateral cooperation.

President Kagame has arrived in Guinea-Conakry.

Guinea is located on the west coast of Africa, bordered by Guinea-Bissau to the northwest, Senegal to the north, Mali to the northeast, Côte d’Ivoire to the east, Liberia to the southeast, and Sierra Leone to the south.

Its capital and largest city is Conakry, which is situated on the Atlantic coast. Guinea covers an area of approximately 245,857 square kilometers, making it a medium-sized country in the region.

As of recent estimates, Guinea has a population of around 14 million people, with a youthful demographic and a substantial portion of the population living in rural areas.

The country is home to a rich cultural diversity, with several ethnic groups such as the Fulani, Mandinka, and Susu, and the

French is the official language of the country. However, many indigenous languages, such as Fula, Maninka, and Susu, are widely spoken across the country.

The economy of Guinea is heavily reliant on natural resources, particularly mining.

The country is a major global supplier of bauxite, holding some of the largest known reserves in the world, and also produces significant amounts of gold, diamonds, and iron ore.

Agriculture also plays a crucial role in the economy, with rice, maize, and cassava being staple crops, while fishing and livestock farming contribute to the rural economy.

The Simandou Iron Ore Project is the world’s largest known untapped iron ore reserve.

Théophile Niyitegeka

The list, released on Tuesday, November 11, 2025, highlights clubs penalised primarily for unlawfully terminating contracts or failing to fulfil financial obligations to former staff or players.

Rayon Sports appeared on the list after facing two disciplinary cases in October 2025. One of the cases was filed by Brazilian coach Roberto Oliveira Gonçalves do Carmo, known as Robertinho, who accused the club of wrongful dismissal and unpaid dues. FIFA ordered Rayon Sports to pay $22,500 (over Frw 30 million), but after failing to settle the amount, the club was handed a three-transfer-window registration ban, preventing it from registering new players during that period.

The club was also sanctioned in a separate case filed by Adulai Jalo, a striker from Guinea-Bissau.

Other African clubs facing similar sanctions include Nyasa Bullets, KenGold SC, Township Rollers, AS Arta Solar7, Coton Sport de Garoua, TS Galaxy, Pretoria Callies, Welkite Kenema FC, SCCM, Ismaily SC, Zamalek, Enyimba FC, and Club Sportif Sfaxien.

Rayon Sports is under sanctions for failing to pay former staff, including Robertinho.

IGIHE

He was seen leaving the prison this afternoon, according to local media reports.

On Sept. 25, the Paris Criminal Court sentenced Sarkozy to five years in prison for criminal conspiracy related to alleged Libyan financing of his 2007 presidential campaign. Although he has appealed the verdict, the judges ordered the sentence to take immediate effect, citing the “exceptional seriousness” of the offenses.

Sarkozy was imprisoned on October 21, becoming the first former French president in modern history to serve a prison sentence. His lawyers immediately lodged an appeal and requested his release.

During Monday morning’s hearing, the former head of state appeared via videoconference from his cell. He described his detention as “hard, very hard, certainly for any prisoner.”

The court of appeal ruled that his continued detention was no longer the only means of preventing the risks outlined in the Code of Criminal Procedure, such as pressure on witnesses, collusion, flight risk, or reoffending.

It therefore ordered his release, subject to strict judicial supervision, including a ban on leaving French territory. In addition, the court imposed extended contact restrictions, noting his “capacity to influence various government departments” as a former president.

Former French president Sarkozy was released from prison on Monday under judicial supervision

Xinhua

Succeeding Antoine Anfré, who served in Kigali for four years, Ambassador Aurélie Royet-Gouin arrives with extensive experience on the African continent, having previously worked in Kenya (2000—2003) and Senegal (2006—2009).

Speaking to IGIHE in an exclusive interview, Royet-Gouin admitted that before her appointment, her knowledge of Rwanda was limited to general impressions.

'I had heard a lot about Rwanda, but had never set foot here,' she said. 'Before coming, I met with many people in Paris, from ministries, institutions, and organisations connected to Rwanda, to understand the country better and prepare for the mission.'

Her first impressions were striking. Upon arriving in Rwanda, she said what struck her most was the country’s uniqueness, describing it as 'a very distinctive blend' unlike any other she had experienced.

'Every country has its own identity, but here there’s something truly special: the hills, the orderliness, the civility. People are determined, respectful, and remarkably calm,' she added, noting that the atmosphere of safety and courtesy makes life welcoming for a newcomer.

Between history and healing

Royet-Gouin takes office at a delicate but hopeful moment in the relationship between France and Rwanda, still shaped by the legacy of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. She acknowledges that both sides have had to take difficult steps to rebuild trust.

'Our reconciliation, which culminated in 2021, required introspection from France and great generosity from Rwanda,' she said. 'We have reset relations and now focus on mutual trust and cooperation.'

Central to France’s engagement, she said, are memory and justice. France has committed to preserving and teaching the history of Rwanda and the Genocide against the Tutsi through research, memorialisation, and education.

'That includes concrete projects: historical research, the creation of a memorial soon to be inaugurated in Paris, and educational programs in French schools to ensure that students understand and remember,' she said.

But the reconciliation narrative also carries a legal dimension. Over the past decade, France has faced mounting pressure to act against genocide fugitives living on its soil, and recent years have seen significant judicial progress.

Laurent Bucyibaruta, the former governor of Gikongoro, was sentenced in Paris in 2022 to 20 years for complicity in genocide, while Philippe Hategekimana, a former Rwandan gendarme who had obtained French nationality, was convicted in 2023 and sentenced to life imprisonment. Another case, that of Sosthène Munyemana, a former doctor accused of involvement in killings in Butare, has been on trial since late 2023.

Félicien Kabuga, long considered the 'financier' of the genocide, was arrested in 2020 near Paris after 26 years on the run and extradited to The Hague. Though declared unfit to stand trial due to dementia, his arrest remains a significant moment.

'France is firmly committed to fighting impunity,' Royet-Gouin said, emphasising close cooperation between France’s National Anti-Terrorism Prosecutor’s Office and Rwanda’s Office of the Prosecutor General.

Development beyond diplomacy

Beyond the courtroom and symbolic reconciliation, France’s relationship with Rwanda has become increasingly developmental. The French Development Agency (AFD) has invested heavily in Rwanda since the 2021 relaunch of cooperation.

France pledged €500 million in 2021 and an additional €400 million in 2024 to finance joint projects. These include the rehabilitation of Ruhengeri Hospital, vocational training programs, and youth employment initiatives.

'Health, education, and inclusion through sport are key areas,' Royet-Gouin explained. 'We also work on climate resilience, a universal challenge where France and Rwanda share a strong sense of responsibility.'

While large-scale projects dominate the headlines, the ambassador insists that cultural and linguistic collaboration remains crucial. 'We continue to promote the French language by training teachers, accrediting bilingual schools, and improving language quality across disciplines,' she said.

Humanitarian diplomacy and regional engagement

Asked about her recent participation in the October 30 humanitarian conference in Paris, co-hosted by France and Togo under the auspices of the African Union, Royet-Gouin described it as a show of solidarity rather than a negotiation platform.

'It was a pledging conference meant to support the peace processes underway, the Rwanda—DRC talks in Washington and the inter-Congolese dialogue in Doha,' she said.

France’s position, she explained, was to 'demonstrate that the international community has not forgotten the conflict, the displaced, or the victims.'

The meeting raised €1.5 billion in humanitarian pledges for recovery and reconstruction efforts in the Great Lakes region.

Women, the Francophonie, and feminist diplomacy

The ambassador also previewed the upcoming Francophonie Foreign Ministers’ Meeting in Kigali, describing it as both symbolic and strategic.

'We are delighted it’s happening in Rwanda, a very active member of the Francophonie under Louise Mushikiwabo’s leadership,' she said.

The summit’s theme, '30 years after the Beijing Conference: the contribution of women in the Francophone space,' reflects France’s focus on feminist diplomacy. Royet-Gouin said the discussions align with ongoing efforts to promote women’s rights, inclusion, and equal participation in peace and security processes, noting the continued relevance of commitments made at the Beijing Conference.

'La Francophonie is not just about language or culture, it’s also an economic and values-based community,' she said, pointing out that by 2050, French speakers will number around 700 million, making it the world’s fifth most spoken language.

Listening, learning, and walking Rwanda’s hills

Despite the dense diplomatic agenda, Ambassador Royet-Gouin said her approach begins with humility and observation. 'The wise person is first an ear that listens,' she said, quoting an adage she has adopted as her motto.

She plans to spend her early months meeting people from different walks of life and understanding Rwanda beyond official meetings and reports.

'My job is not only to represent France, but also to understand and convey what we observe and feel,' she said.

'I brought my walking shoes. I fully intend to explore this beautiful country as much as possible,” she added.

Watch the full interview below.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

The ceremony took place on November 8, 2025, recognising achievements across several categories: best young writer, best female writer, best male writer, best African writer, and best writer of all time.

Divine Akimana, who received the award for best young writer, described it as her first major recognition. She credited her book, Scars That Shape Us, for the accolade.

'What I wanted to convey through this book, I have achieved. I published it in 2020 to offer comfort to people who have experienced conflicts and show them that there is hope for the future,' Akimana said.

Judence Kayitesi, awarded best female writer, reflected on the challenges women face in pursuing writing alongside other responsibilities.

'Women have many roles, including giving birth, raising children, managing the household, and other daily duties. It can be difficult to find time to write, but I want to say that women are strong, they can achieve everything they set out to do and should never be afraid to pursue their passions,' she said.

Antoine Mugesera, named best writer of all time, brings over 20 years of experience, focusing on Rwanda’s history and the lives of its people across different periods.

'I was well prepared. I started writing while at university and continued even during my 15-year career in government. Since then, I have kept writing,' he said.

He noted that some of his works, especially those on religious topics, were published under a pseudonym to avoid potential conflicts with the church. He also explained that writing involves extensive research, allowing an author to gain deep knowledge on a subject and then share it with readers.

Bridgevision CEO Joe E. Sully said the awards aim to encourage literary pursuits in Rwanda and across the continent.

'These awards were initially intended for Rwandans only, but we realised there is a wider need across the continent. That’s why we introduced the category for the best African writer. Our goal is to inspire participation from across Africa and beyond, making this an international recognition,' he said.

Other winners included Adut Loi Akok, who was recognised as the best African writer, and Dr. Christian Ntizimira, who received the award for best male writer.

The Radiate Rwanda Literacy Excellence Awards are in their second edition, following the inaugural event in 2024.

Divine Akimana won the award for best young writer.

Antoine Mugesera, awarded writer of all time, expressed his joy at receiving the honour after more than 20 years of writing.

Bridgevision celebrated top writers at the 2025 Radiate Rwanda Literacy Excellence Awards on Saturday, November 8, 2025.

Judence Kayitesi, awarded best female writer, reflected on the challenges women face in pursuing writing alongside other responsibilities.

Bridgevision CEO Joe E. Sully said the awards aim to encourage literary pursuits in Rwanda and across the continent.

IGIHE

Hosted by the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF) Command and Staff College, this year’s conference, which kicked off on Monday, November 11, is being held under the theme 'The Future of African Military Training and Education: Bridging the Digital Divide.'

The three-day meeting brings together Commandants of African Command and Staff Colleges, senior defence representatives, and security experts from 24 nations to deliberate on how to harness technology and digital learning in building a more self-reliant and interoperable African defence architecture.

In his opening remarks, Brigadier General Andrew Nyamvumba, Commandant of the RDF Command and Staff College, welcomed delegates to what he described as a gathering of Africa’s 'intellectual and professional military leadership.'

'This forum is more than a meeting of institutions; it is a convergence of Africa’s intellectual and professional military leadership,' Brig Gen Nyamvumba said. 'It is where ideas are exchanged, doctrines refined and partnerships strengthened in pursuit of interoperable regional and African standby forces for a more secure, resilient and self-reliant Africa.'

Highlighting the significance of this year’s theme, Brig Gen Nyamvumba underscored the need to integrate digital tools and innovative methodologies into Africa’s military education systems.

'Over the next three days, we shall deliberate on critical issues affecting our military education systems, from standardisation of curricula and exchange programmes to integrating technology and leveraging digital learning platforms,' he added.

He also announced the handover of the ACoC chairmanship from the RDF Command and Staff College to the Tanzania People’s Defence Force (TPDF) Command and Staff College, commending the forum’s continued role in harmonising doctrines and training across the continent.

Rwanda’s Minister of Defence, Juvenal Marizamunda, officially opened the conference, commending ACoC’s work in promoting unity of purpose among African military education institutions. He described the forum as a cornerstone in building Africa’s collective defence capacity through shared learning and collaboration.

'The threats facing Africa are multifaceted, from terrorism and cyber warfare to illegal migration, transnational crime and climate-related insecurity,' Minister Marizamunda said. 'Addressing these requires a generation of officers who are not only tactically capable but also digitally literate, ethically grounded and strategically agile.'

He lauded the RDF Command and Staff College for its 'exemplary stewardship' as the current chair of ACoC, noting that Rwanda’s leadership had strengthened cooperation among member institutions and prepared the ground for a smooth transition to Tanzania.

Maj Gen Stephen Mnkande, Commandant of Tanzania’s TPDF Command and Staff College, emphasised that education and training were the backbone of Africa’s readiness to respond to emerging security threats under the African Union Peace and Security Architecture.

'For the African Standby Force to remain ready, education and training are essential,' he said. 'Forums like the ACoC allow Commandants to harmonise doctrines and ensure that all our forces speak the same language when it comes to African Union operations. As the world moves fast into digitisation, we too must embrace technology in our training and preparedness.'

Air Commodore N. Maghidir of Libya’s Command and Staff College, which hosted the previous edition of the conference in Tripoli, commended Rwanda for its hospitality and organisational excellence. He noted that such gatherings provide 'a very important opportunity for Africa’s military academies to discuss complex security and strategic challenges' facing the continent.

The ACoC, established as a continental platform for Commandants of African Command and Staff Colleges, aims to enhance professional military education, promote harmonisation of training doctrines, and strengthen interoperability among member states.

As discussions continue in Kigali, participants are expected to develop actionable recommendations to modernise military education, foster digital transformation, and build a new generation of African military leaders equipped to respond to both traditional and emerging security challenges.

Officers from 24 countries are attending the conference.

Defence Minister Juvenal Marizamunda arrives for the conference.

Rwanda’s Chief of Defence Staff, Gen Mubarakh Muganga, arrives for the conference.

The conference will run for three days.

In his opening remarks, Brigadier General Andrew Nyamvumba, Commandant of the RDF Command and Staff College, welcomed delegates to what he described as a gathering of Africa’s 'intellectual and professional military leadership.'

Rwanda’s Minister of Defence, Juvenal Marizamunda, officially opened the conference, commending ACoC’s work in promoting unity of purpose among African military education institutions.

Air Commodore N. Maghidir of Libya’s Command and Staff College, which hosted the previous edition of the conference in Tripoli, commended Rwanda for its hospitality and organisational excellence.

Maj Gen Stephen Mnkande, Commandant of Tanzania’s TPDF Command and Staff College, emphasised that education and training were the backbone of Africa’s readiness to respond to emerging security threats under the African Union Peace and Security Architecture.

Military college commandants attending the ACoC 2025 conference.

Wycliffe Nyamasege