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But Constant Mutamba, the now-former Congolese Minister of Justice, has instead offered us a proper lesson in political illusionism, finger-pointing acrobatics, and a hallucination of victimhood draped in the Congolese flag.

If satire ever begged for a real-life script, this resignation letter—dated 17 June 2025—deserves its own Pulitzer Prize.

It is amazing that a man who once studied law—presumably somewhere between lectures, campus theatrics, and biting into cheese sambusas at the cafeteria—could write a resignation letter that reads more like the confessions of a delusional warlock than a legal mind.

One imagines Mutamba, draped in the robes of justice, holding the scales in one hand and a conspiracy handbook in the other, writing not with ink but with fog.

He stabs at the reader’s comprehension with declarations so tangled that even Kafka would blush. It’s not legalese. It’s not even bureaucratese. It’s a hybrid genre best described as 'fantasized martyrdom under duress’.

Any competent legal scholar might wonder whether he wrote the letter under the influence of a narcotic or Ouija board. It’s a text not meant to clarify, but to confuse; not to inform, but to hypnotize.

His goal, perhaps, was not resignation but incantation—casting a smokescreen thick enough to make the people forget what the Parliament, the judiciary, and investigative journalists have actually accused him of.

You don’t need to be a constitutional expert to see through it, but maybe a cryptographer to decode what he hoped to achieve.

Mutamba opens his letter to President Tshisekedi with the triumphant trumpet of 'bold reforms'—a familiar tune played by every self-styled messiah in the swamps of Congolese politics. “In line with your instructions and those of the Prime Minister, I initiated bold reforms in the justice sector, which both your office and our people have described as 'sick,’” he writes.

Bravo! Except that this diagnosis, though not untrue, has become the Congolese equivalent of “thoughts and prayers.” And like all such overused phrases, it serves mostly to pad the résumé while deflecting from performance.

Mutamba takes pains to paint himself as a sacrificial reformist, a fearless legal surgeon performing emergency justice surgeries on a terminally ill patient, even as conservative antibodies tried to kill him.

He boasts of protecting widows and orphans, safeguarding public enterprises from mafia predators, shielding investors, and sterilizing the business climate of its legal pathogens.

So virtuous, so noble—almost angelic, you might say. The only thing missing is a choir of celestial beings singing behind the Palace of Justice.

But as with all good stories in Congolese politics, the truth lies not in what is said but in what is masterfully omitted.

Not a single paragraph mentions the alleged US$20 million that disappeared under his watch, money earmarked for prison construction—but not in any war-torn region or an M23-controlled area.

No, the funds were meant for a modern correctional facility in Kisangani, deep in the country’s heartland, far from Goma or Bukavu. Unless the AFC/M23 insurgents have suddenly teleported across provinces, it’s puzzling how he links them to his downfall.

Unless, of course, he acquired properties belonging to their members or allies in Kinshasa and now suspects they know. This may explain why he talks about vengeances with the paranoia of a Shakespearean villain awaiting ghosts.

Not a peep about his proposal to reintroduce the death penalty for economic crimes—a draconian policy that many suspect was less about justice and more about vendettas.

Not even a footnote to explain how his department, under his watchful eye, continued to weaponize justice against political opponents. That, too, is a form of bold reform, no?

But then comes the plot twist worthy of a Hollywood crime thriller.

“Unfortunately, at a time when I was, like your loyal soldier, pursuing high-ranking officials of the AFC/M23, I have been struck with a stab in the back through a political plot clearly conceived in Kigali and executed by some of our fellow citizens,” he wails.

Aha! The masterstroke. Why deal with annoying details like embezzlement when you can simply summon the Great Enemy of the State: Rwanda.

To those unfamiliar with the Congolese political playbook, here is the golden rule: when cornered, always pivot to Rwanda.

Car broken down? Rwanda. Fuel prices rising? Rwanda. Parliament refusing to pass your shady bill? Rwanda. It is the North Star by which Kinshasa orients its political compass.

Another Chapter?

Mutamba’s letter is no resignation; it is an exorcism ritual. He absolves himself by casting out the demon of blame and naming it Rwanda.

He claims his woes are not self-inflicted but rather the outcome of an elaborate Kigali-engineered conspiracy.

Even the Rwandan Foreign Minister’s tweet is classified as definitive proof of a cross-border Machiavellian chess game.

We are in Dan Brown territory now, except with fewer facts and more fiction.

And let’s not forget the cherry on this melodramatic sundae: multiple assassination attempts, poisonings, and “mafia networks” infiltrating institutions. No dates, no suspects, no medical reports, no arrests—just vague insinuations and a plea for national sympathy.

The phrase 'mafia-style networks' appears often in Mutamba’s liturgy of blame, but never with even a whisper of specificity.

A network, by definition, is a structured system, a web of interlinked actors, interests, and operations. You do not dismantle a mafia by naming it in passing and then tossing the grenade toward Rwanda.

Even Mario Puzo, in fictionalizing the Cosa Nostra, knew to give us Don Corleone, capos, street-level enforcers, consigliere, and rituals of initiation.

Puzo wove a world so vivid that readers could smell the tension simmering between Sicilian omertà and New York’s steel ambition. Mutamba, however, gives us shadows and ghosts.

No names. No departments. No whistleblowers. Just vague references to threats by faceless enemies. One would think the nation’s top legal officer might have pursued evidence, brought prosecutions, and rallied the courts.

Instead, we get the rhetorical equivalent of a ghostly house.

According to Mutamba, these networks have now successfully 'humiliated' him. Who exactly are they? Agents of Kigali? Political rivals in Kinshasa?

Or is it just the manifestation of his own political paranoia? No matter. When in doubt, construct a fog of enemies. It has worked for many before him.

And yet, the irony is almost too rich.

Here is a man who held the country’s justice portfolio, claiming that a foreign enemy has infiltrated every branch of government—the Presidency, the Supreme Court, Parliament, and the Prime Minister’s Office.

He suggests that Kigali, not Kinshasa, pulls the strings of Congolese sovereignty.

Is he suggesting that President Felix Tshisekedi is a puppet? That Prime Minister Judith Suminwa takes orders from across the Rwandan border?

If this were even partially true, then his resignation should not have been addressed to the DRC’s President but to Rwanda’s Ministry of Governance.

Yet this is the sort of rhetorical sleight-of-hand Mutamba hopes will allow him to exit stage left not as an accused criminal but as a patriotic martyr.

Let us remember: it was the Congolese Supreme Court’s Prosecutor who requested Parliament to lift Mutamba’s immunity.

That same Parliament—not known for speed or spine—appears willing to consider it.

According to Mutamba’s logic, these actions are not the consequence of legal processes or political accountability, but of espionage and foreign puppeteering.

Hold on a bit: Are we now to believe that the Congolese judiciary, legislature, and executive are all compromised by Kigali?

That the nation’s justice system is run via Bluetooth from the hills of Rwanda?

That the $20 million accusation, conveniently ignored in his resignation, was digitally wired from Kigali to tarnish his good name?

Let us entertain the absurdity, if only for pastime.

If Kigali truly controls Kinshasa as Mutamba implies, then surely it also decided which socks he wore to Cabinet meetings, which cellphone brand he used to send his resignation letter, and what meal he had before allegedly being poisoned.

In which case, Mutamba might have to petition Rwanda’s authorities for medical compensation, not Congo’s. If the plot is that thick, then perhaps the Holy Spirit should launch an investigation.

The absurdity mounts further. He pledges never to abandon the fight against invaders. But which invaders?

Those who allegedly infiltrated his own government or those who live in the neighboring state he now blames for everything?

His language is so theatrical that it leaves little room for coherent policy. Patriotism becomes not a duty to the nation but a costume to wear when the curtains rise.

One might recall that Mutamba has a history of aligning himself with Rwandan genocidaires’ narratives.

A longtime supporter of anti-Rwandan rhetoric, his political philosophy seems crafted from the playbook of denialism, deflection, and distortion. The 'resignation' letter serves as the logical conclusion of this ideology: a shifting of blame outward while erecting a moral pedestal inward.

And while we’re on haunting ideas, let us address Mutamba’s ghoulish flirtation with the death penalty for embezzlers of public funds. It sounded like righteous thunder: hang the corrupt!

But this is Congo—a nation where corruption isn’t an exception but the political bloodstream. In such an environment, this proposal was either a death wish or a cynical decoy.

Did he genuinely believe he could survive such a law when his own president, his colleagues in cabinet, and many of those seated in Parliament could all, with minimal effort, qualify for the gallows?

Or was the move designed to paint himself as a messianic moralist, a man too righteous to be corrupt—therefore above suspicion?

More dangerously, such a proposal may have triggered self-preservation instincts among the truly powerful—those who have stolen much, often with impunity.

In a land where every minister has their own skeleton cemetery, a man who dares call for the noose may be treated not as a reformer but as a liability.

And what does a mafia do with a liability? They eliminate it—not with law but with politics, scandal, and smear.

So perhaps the poisonings and plots were not figments, but real—only not from Rwanda. Could it be that the danger lay closer to his own political village?

That the true “enemy” wore suits stitched in Kinshasa and not military fatigues from across the border?

Might those who feared the rope have whispered to the courts, nudged Parliament, and conspired with media outlets to push Mutamba off the chessboard?

These are domestic enemies—real and tangible. But it’s much easier, and far more politically safe, to conjure a foreign adversary than to name the vipers in one’s own den.

And therein lies the final, bitter irony.

By blaming Rwanda, Mutamba not only attempts to dodge the bullet of accountability, but also ensures he remains within the patriotic narrative of DRC nationalism—a tale where every scandal is a foreign sabotage, and every failure, a victim of external aggression.

In this narrative, there are no embezzlers, only martyrs; no internal rot, only external termites.

Why Rwanda, though? Why always Rwanda?

Because Rwanda is the perfect villain in DRC’s political theatre. It’s proximate, it’s historical, it’s emotionally charged.

Rwanda is not merely a country; it has been weaponized into a metaphor—of invasion, betrayal, and dominance. It has become the ultimate 'get-out-of-jail-free' card.

When a Congolese leader is caught red-handed, the immediate reflex is to shout, 'Look! Over there! Kigali!' The crowd, long conditioned to this chant, forgets to look at the empty treasury, the broken prisons, or the ghost schools and hospitals.

It is like a magician who, having run out of tricks, suddenly yells 'fire' and escapes the stage under cover of panic. Rwanda is the fire alarm. The perfect distraction. The convenient scapegoat.

And so, as the curtain falls on Mutamba’s brief and bewildering tenure, let us ask ourselves: is this resignation a cleansing moment or another layer of obfuscation?

Are we watching the fall of a reformer or the staging of a performance meant to protect deeper, more entrenched interests?

One thing is certain: Constant Mutamba’s legacy will not be justice reform. It will be the latest chapter in Congo’s long chronicle of blame, denial, and political theatre.

When Justice Wears a Clown’s Wig

Now that the Minister has vacated his office and entered the pantheon of self-professed martyrs, we await the sequel.

Will he write a memoir titled I Was Poisoned by the Judiciary? Will he start a political party: 'Congolese Patriots Against Kigali Infiltration' (CPAKI)?

Will he flee the country and declare himself President-in-Exile on a YouTube livestream, complete with national anthems and graphics borrowed from PowerPoint 2003?

And let us not forget his attempt to invoke the specter of the AFC/M23 leadership as a boogeyman behind his political fall.

For a man who insists he was at the helm of Congolese justice, he must know how absurd it is to claim that a rebel group based thousands of kilometers away—whose members have no authority within the state’s legal system—somehow conspired to engineer his downfall in the heart of Kinshasa.

What stake does the AFC/M23 have in a prison construction project in Kisangani?

Unless, of course, as speculated, Mutamba helped seize properties in Kinshasa or elsewhere linked to figures accused of collaboration, and now fears retaliation or exposure.

His narrative turns circular: he accuses others of vendettas while alleging he is targeted for having been too righteous, too unbending, too patriotic.

But real vendettas are rarely cross-border affairs; they are homegrown, festered by betrayal, envy, and unresolved debts.

In a government overflowing with silent rivalries, Mutamba may have simply rattled the wrong elite cage.

Stay tuned. For as long as the Congolese political machine rewards victimhood more than responsibility, there will always be another Mutamba ready to bleed for the cameras and cry wolf across the border.

This is not justice. It is theatre. And sadly, the Congolese people are still forced to buy tickets.

And so, with one letter—half resignation, half hallucination—Mutamba shows us what passes for a political manifesto in the upper echelons of Congolese power.

That this man once held the sacred portfolio of justice should worry every honest citizen. But it likely won’t. Because what he wrote was not accidental.

It was calibrated—down to the last hysterical comma—for an audience trained to reward false impression so long as it comes dressed in nationalist garb and points a trembling finger toward Kigali.

To survive in Kinshasa, one must speak in tongues, accuse the wind, and write manifestos dripping with paranoia so pungent it knocks the facts unconscious.

His letter, then, was not a confession but a song of survival—like a greatest hits album for the corrupt: Side A is victimhood; Side B is Rwanda.

Think about it. In one letter, he accused everyone—from Parliament to the Prime Minister’s office, from the Supreme Court to unnamed 'infiltrated institutions’—of being pawns in a foreign plot.

Yet no one clutches their pearls. Why? Because Rwanda is mentioned, and in Congolese political liturgy, that absolves all sins.

It’s the genius of the ridiculous: a man stands in a burning building, douses himself in gasoline, throws the match, then screams, 'Look! Rwanda lit it!'

And the crowd, well-trained, turns its back on the flames and begins to chant.

That, dear reader, is how justice is smothered—not in silence, but under a standing ovation.

Because let’s face it—when the Minister of Justice pens a letter that reads like a cocktail of courtroom drama, witchcraft trial, and dystopian prophecy, we’re no longer talking about dysfunction.

We are watching the judiciary cosplay. The letter wasn’t written to the President; it was addressed to posterity—to warn future charlatans how to weep in public without ever confessing.

And why wouldn’t Mutamba write like this? He knows his audience. A political class that rewards verbosity over truth, melodrama over accountability, and slogans over substance.

Mutamba is no fool. He knows that truth is an inconvenience, and performance is policy.

They don’t read law books; they read incantations. They don’t build institutions; they build narratives. The longer, the louder, the more ludicrous—the more authentic it feels.

This is why one man, accused of theft, can instead put the entire state on trial—from the Parliament to the President—then walk offstage to applause, simply because he whispered the sacred word: Rwanda.

It’s the political equivalent of farting in church or mosque and blaming Satan for the bad smell.

So here we are. A man once entrusted to uphold justice turns his resignation into an exorcism, invites the ghosts of Kigali to take the blame, and exits not with shame—but with theatrical flair.

One must admire the craftsmanship. It’s not governance. It’s sorcery in a suit.

But the greatest tragedy? He might just return to power. Because in a system where delusion is currency, Mutamba didn’t resign. He invested.

Former Congolese Minister of Justice Mutamba resigned on account of investigations into alleged funds misappropriation.

Tom Ndahiro

Prime Minister Dr Edouard Ngirente announced the plan on June 19, 2025, during an address to a joint session of Parliament, where he outlined the Government’s progress in improving the welfare of Rwandans.

In the education sector, the Prime Minister noted that more than 22,000 new classrooms have been constructed in under a year, along with a significant increase in the number of teachers across all levels of schooling.

Dr Ngirente was responding to a question about what the government is doing to address the issue of teachers who lack sufficient proficiency in English, the language of instruction.

He explained that the issue is being tackled through teacher training programmes where Zimbabwean educators have been brought in to train future Rwandan teachers. He also revealed plans to recruit more.

'You may recall that we brought in teachers from Zimbabwe, and we are currently planning to bring in even more,' he said.

It is expected that around 150 teachers will be brought in during this phase, adding to the 154 already in the country.

'The majority of those we brought in are English teachers working in Teacher Training Colleges (TTCs), to ensure that future educators are well-versed in English. That’s why we’ve invested heavily in TTCs—providing them with the necessary facilities and resources. Even during school construction, TTCs were given priority so they could be adequately equipped. These Zimbabwean teachers will help ensure that graduates are capable of teaching in English, even at the primary school level,' he said.

However, he acknowledged that the current number of TTCs, which stands at only 16 nationwide, is insufficient to meet the country’s teacher training needs.

Proficiency tests

Dr Ngirente also announced that current teachers will be required to undergo two years of English language training, after which they must take a proficiency test. Those who pass will retain their positions, while those who fail will be replaced.

'TTCs cannot produce enough graduates to fill all teaching positions across the country. Therefore, we will gradually replace existing teachers as more English-proficient graduates come out of TTCs.'

He added, 'Current teachers will have two years to learn English while still teaching. After that, they’ll take an exam—those who pass will remain, and those who fail will leave the profession. The programme lasts three years, with two years focused on learning while they work. Failing to teach in English effectively means failing to qualify as a teacher.'

A 2018 World Bank report highlighted the urgent need for English language training among teachers, revealing that only 38% of teachers from Primary 1 to 3 had sufficient English proficiency.

A document released by the Ministry of Education on February 26, 2024, indicated that only 4% of current teachers possess intermediate to advanced English skills, even though English is the official language of instruction.

Rwanda adopted English as the medium of instruction in 2008, replacing French. In 2011, the policy stipulated that English would be introduced from Primary 4 onwards, with the first three years taught in Kinyarwanda. However, this was revised in 2019, and English is now used as the language of instruction starting from Primary 1.

Speaking during an address to a joint session of Parliament on Thursday, June 19, Prime Minister Dr Ngirente affirmed that any teacher who fails English will be replaced.

The joint session of Parliament follows the Prime Minister’s address.

The Government of Rwanda intends to bring in more teachers from Zimbabwe to enhance the quality of education in the country, particularly in the English language.

IGIHE

Speaking to IGIHE, Kitoko shared that while he has not set a specific date, his return is imminent.

'Yes, I’ve been preparing for it. I want to return. It’s been 12 years since I left home. I miss making music in Rwanda, but more importantly, there are personal and professional projects I want to pursue there. At any moment, you might hear that I’ve made the move,' he stated.

Despite being based in the UK, Kitoko affirmed that he remains musically active. With more flexibility in his schedule compared to previous years, when he balanced his academic commitments with business, he has found renewed energy for his music career.

Kitoko recently released a new single titled “In Love”, adding to his catalog of popular tracks that began with his 2008 breakout song 'Ikiragi.' His early success quickly established him as a leading voice in Rwanda’s music scene.

In addition to his musical pursuits, Kitoko has continued to invest in his education. He earned a Bachelor’s degree in Politics from South Bank University in 2022 and later enrolled in a Master’s program at London Metropolitan University.

The artist is also scheduled to perform at the upcoming Rwanda Liberation Day celebration in Belgium on July 4, 2025.

Kitoko earned a Bachelor’s degree in Politics from South Bank University in 2022 and later enrolled in a Master’s program at London Metropolitan University.

IGIHE

President Samia Suluhu Hassan presided over the inauguration ceremony, marking the completion of a project that began under the leadership of her predecessor, the late President John Pombe Magufuli.

The bridge includes a 1.66-kilometre connecting road, designed to ease transport across a region long dependent on ferries.

Among the guests at the ceremony was former First Lady Janeth Magufuli, widow of the late president. The bridge was renamed in Magufuli’s honour, recognising his role in initiating the project in February 2020 as part of a broader infrastructure development agenda.

At the time of Magufuli’s death on March 17, 2021, the bridge was just under 25 percent complete. President Samia pledged continuity and accelerated its progress, overseeing its completion ahead of the original December 2024 target. According to Minister of Works Abdallah Ulega, only 20 percent of the bridge had been built when President Samia took office.

'This is a landmark project—a three-kilometre bridge unlike any other in East and Central Africa,' Ulega said during a budget debate in Parliament in April. 'Its completion is a national achievement, and today the nation celebrates.'

Built at a cost of $300 million, the bridge replaces the Kigongo—Busisi ferry route, long criticised for inefficiency and vulnerability to weather disruptions. The new permanent connection is expected to significantly reduce travel time, enhance economic activity in the Lake Zone, and improve access to essential services.

With the JP Magufuli Bridge now open, Tanzania strengthens its regional transport infrastructure and positions itself as a growing hub for trade and connectivity in the Great Lakes region.

The bridge includes a 1.66-kilometre connecting road, designed to ease transport across a region long dependent on ferries.

President Samia Suluhu Hassan presided over the inauguration ceremony, marking the completion of a project that began under the leadership of her predecessor, the late President John Pombe Magufuli.

Built at a cost of $300 million, the bridge replaces the Kigongo—Busisi ferry route, long criticised for inefficiency and vulnerability to weather disruptions.

The new permanent connection is expected to significantly reduce travel time, enhance economic activity in the Lake Zone, and improve access to essential services.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

The ceremony marking the end of the training and the official enrolment of the new recruits was presided over by RDF Chief of Defence Staff, Gen MK Mubarakh, and attended by Service Chiefs, Generals, senior and junior officers, and enlisted personnel.

During the event, the graduates showcased a range of military skills acquired during the course, including arms handling and tactical manoeuvres, demonstrating their readiness to take on operational responsibilities in the RDF.

In his address, Gen Mubarakh congratulated the new soldiers for hard work and determination throughout the demanding training period. He welcomed them into the RDF family and urged them to uphold a high level of discipline and observe RDF’s ethics and values as they integrate and work alongside their fellow service members.

He also encouraged them to be inspired by their predecessors, apply and share the knowledge and skills gained during the training, while protecting Rwanda’s sovereignty and safeguarding its citizens. He further reminded them to be prepared to serve in a multinational environment during peacekeeping operations.

The Commandant of the Basic Military Training Centre, Nasho, Maj Gen JB Ngiruwonsanga, emphasised that the graduates underwent intense military training ranging from arms and combat drills, among others and stressed that their commitment demonstrated their readiness for future military operations.

The graduation and enrolment of these new soldiers come at a time when the RDF continues to modernise and expand its capabilities to meet both national and international defence obligations.

The graduation of the new officers follows a rigorous six-month training.

The ceremony marking the end of the training and the official enrolment of the new recruits was presided over by RDF Chief of Defence Staff, Gen MK Mubarakh, and attended by Service Chiefs, Generals, senior and junior officers, and enlisted personnel.

The new graduates showcased a range of military skills acquired during the course.

IGIHE

Government projections show that Rwanda’s economy is expected to grow by 7.1% in 2025, 7.5% in 2026, 7.4% in 2027, and 7% in 2028.

Presenting a report on the Government’s achievements in improving citizens’ welfare before both chambers of Parliament on June 19, 2025, Dr. Ngirente emphasised that this sustained economic growth has been inclusive.

'Some wondered whether the economic growth we’ve seen was truly inclusive. We have found that it is. The growth has been shared—many people have benefited from it. The positive effects of economic development have reached Rwandans across all regions—urban and rural—and across all age groups, both young and old,” he said.

According to the Seventh Integrated Household Living Conditions Survey (EICV7) conducted over 12 months in 2024, Rwanda’s poverty rate dropped from 39.8% in 2017 to 27.4% in 2024. Extreme poverty fell from 11.3% in 2017 to 5.4% in 2024.

In 2000, the average annual income per Rwandan was $268, which rose to $1,029 by 2024.

EICV7 also shows that 1.5 million Rwandans moved out of poverty in the past seven years, a 12.4% decline in poverty levels.

The National Institute of Statistics of Rwanda (NISR) estimates that a Rwandan needs at least 560,127 Rwandan francs per year to meet essential needs, including food and other basic necessities.

The Government attributes this poverty reduction to a range of social protection programs, such as Girinka (One Cow per Poor Family), Vision 2020 Umurenge Programme (VUP), direct support to vulnerable households, and health insurance coverage for the poor.

Currently, Rwanda has over 1.6 million cows, with more than 452,000 distributed through the Girinka program.

Prime Minister Dr. Edouard Ngirente stated that the country’s consistent economic growth, averaging over 7% over the past seven years, has positively impacted the well-being of all Rwandans, whether in urban or rural areas.

Members of Parliament and Senators follow the PM’s address on Thursday, June 19, 2025.

IGIHE

As Rwanda’s leading brewery, the company aims to lead the debate on responsible drinking. In 2022, it expanded consumer options by launching Heineken 0.0, alongside various initiatives under the 'Don’t Drink and Drive’ campaign, aimed at promoting safer consumption behavior.

The 'Don’t Drink and Drive’ campaign is one of the several initiatives that promote road safety by sensitizing the public about the dangers of driving under the influence of alcohol as well as encouraging consumers to make safer choices, such as choosing a designated driver or opting for non-alcoholic alternatives such as Heineken 0.0.

This campaign entails multimedia messaging through national television, radios, billboards and social media platforms—that advises the public to refrain from drinking and driving, aligning with the RNP’s 'Gerayo Amahoro’ road safety campaign.

'Campaigns and initiatives affiliated to 'Gerayo Amahoro’ play a crucial role in reminding citizens that every decision behind the wheel has consequences.

“Our collaboration with other relevant public and private institutions is a powerful set in advancing national safety and public well-being,' said RNP spokesperson, ACP Boniface Rutikanga.

BRALIRWA has held joint public events aimed at enhancing road safety in collaboration with RNP as well as annual internal dialogues with its staff to encourage them to be ambassadors of the 'Don’t Drive and Drive’ campaign initiatives.

Other internal campaign activities include regular training, online courses, awareness posters within the brewery, and leadership engagement sessions encouraging employees to lead by example, both at work and in their personal lives.

The Company also actively engages its distributors, partners, and other stakeholders in promoting responsible consumption through dialogue and regular bulk messages.

According to BRALIRWA’s Managing Director, the efforts help to reinforce the company’s shared commitment to the well-being of the community and sustainability through tackling harmful consumption.

“As a responsible Company, we are dedicated to ensuring that our beverages are enjoyed responsibly. We work closely with all stakeholders to promote a culture in which moderation is valued, and safety is prioritized. When our consumers drink responsibly, we all share in the joy of true togetherness,' said BRALIRWA’s Managing Director, Ms. Ethel Emma-Uche.

The 'Don’t Drink and Drive’ campaign is one of the several initiatives that promote road safety by sensitizing the public about the dangers of driving under the influence of alcohol as well as encouraging consumers to make safer choices.

BRALLIRWA partnered with the Rwanda National Police (RNP) to enhance road safety awareness.

BRALIRWA has held joint public events aimed at enhancing road safety in collaboration with RNP as well as annual internal dialogues with its staff to encourage them to be ambassadors of the 'Don’t Drive and Drive’ campaign initiatives.

As Rwanda’s leading brewery, the company aims to lead the debate on responsible drinking.

IGIHE

Founded in 2018 with just 20 students, Winners Mount Academy has experienced steady growth thanks to the trust parents have in the school and its professional teaching standards. By 2020, enrolment had increased to between 50 and 100 students, and the school employed between 10 and 15 staff members.

Between 2020 and 2022, the number of students increased to between 300 and 400, while the staff grew to between 20 and 25. From 2022 to 2024, the staff expanded further to 30, and as of 2025, the school serves 700 students.

Muhizi Elie, the founder of Winners Mount Academy, revealed that over the next three years, the school aims to enrol 1,000 students and create jobs for more than 500 people, including teachers and support staff.

'We want to expand our school so that we can achieve our target of welcoming 1,000 students in the next three years, while also creating job opportunities for members of our community to improve their livelihoods. I believe this goal is achievable thanks to the strong leadership that supports us in every step,” he said.

Muhizi added that beyond educating students, the academy plans to build additional facilities to benefit both the school and the surrounding community. These include a health centre, a hair salon, and a shop where residents can conveniently access goods without leaving the school premises—all aimed at enhancing safety and promoting community development.

He further announced that on July 7, 2025, the school will hold its first-ever graduation ceremony for pupils completing the first cycle of primary education, consisting of 20 students.

'The graduating students are excited, and we are equally proud to witness our first group finishing primary school. This is a major milestone and a source of pride for us and the parents,' he said.

Winners Mount Academy admits children as young as three years old into nursery school, where they are initially taught in French. As they transition into primary school, lessons are conducted in English, in line with the national curriculum set by the Rwanda Education Board (REB).

Winners Mount Academy admits children from the age of three up to those in primary school.

Children at Winners Mount Academy are given the opportunity to showcase their talents.

Students at Winners Mount Academy are taught traditional Rwandan dances.

Nursery school pupils are taught in French, and upon reaching primary school, the curriculum shifts to align with REB guidelines.

Pupils participating in a Rwandan traditional dance.

IGIHE

While the packaging has been updated to reflect a more modern, premium, and refreshing feel, one thing remains unchanged: the beer inside. Amstel continues to deliver the same smooth, high-quality taste, brewed with 100% Pure Malt.

'The new look is a celebration of Amstel’s commitment to quality and authenticity,' said Martine Gatabazi, Marketing Director at Bralirwa. 'We wanted to give consumers a more refined and modern visual experience, while reassuring them that the taste they trust remains exactly the same.'

The refreshed design features cleaner lines enhanced red and white colors, and an updated label that proudly communicates Amstel’s 100% Pure Malt quality credentials. The transition to the new packaging will roll out nationwide beginning June 18th.

In the spirit of Amstel, the new look invites consumers to share more meaningful moments with friends, whether over a casual catch-up or a lively gathering. Amstel continues to be the beer that brings people together.

As always, Amstel reminds consumers to enjoy responsibly and celebrate friendship with moderation and style.

IGIHE

The announcement was made by Godfrey Kabera, the Minister of State for National Treasury in the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning for State Finance, during a presentation to the parliamentary Committee on State Budget and patrimony.

He revealed that the total national budget for 2025/2026 will be Frw 7,032.5 billion, marking a 21% increase compared to the revised budget of Frw 5.816.4 billion for 2024/25.

Kabera emphasized that the boost in agricultural funding was a direct result of feedback from members of parliament during their review of the budget proposal in May 2025.

The additional funding will focus on increasing agricultural and livestock productivity.

Key initiatives will include the timely distribution of fertilizers and certified seeds, as well as supporting the seed multiplication for essential crops such as maize, wheat, soybeans, potatoes, rice, cassava, and beans.

Special attention will also be given to the cultivation of drought-resistant crops and the expansion of irrigation systems.

Furthermore, there will be a focus on improving post-harvest infrastructure, including storage facilities and silos, to help preserve the harvested produce.

Livestock production will also be prioritized, with investments in livestock health, including purchasing breeding cattle, providing vaccines, and renovating milk collection centers.

Kabera further explained that the budget will support efforts to rejuvenate aging coffee trees and expand tea cultivation.

Rwanda will also focus on boosting exports of agricultural products such as vegetables, fruits, and flowers to increase yields in these sectors.

Additionally, the government will expand crop and livestock insurance and increase access to financial services for farmers through loans.

The budget for agricultural inputs, including fertilizers and seeds, has been increased to Frw 55 billion, with Frw 39 billion allocated specifically for fertilizers, Frw 9 billion for seeds, and additional funds allocated for veterinary medicines and vaccines.

A significant increase has also been made in the budget for social support for vulnerable groups, which will rise from Frw 92.8 billion to Frw 105 billion.

The government will also allocate funds for the renovation of memorial sites, such as Mwulire, Mutete, and Mukarange memorials.

MP Odette Uwamariya, the chairperson of the parliamentary Committee on State Budget and patrimony, commended the government for valuing the input of parliamentarians and stressed the importance of continuing efforts to promote economic growth and development across the country.

The Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning (MINECOFIN) has announced an increase in the budget allocation for agriculture and livestock for the 2025/2026 fiscal year.

IGIHE