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According to authorities, more than Ksh.11 billion (about Rwf 124 billion) was siphoned off through fictitious surgeries and fraudulent claims by health facilities within just six months, between October 2024 and April 2025.

Introduced to replace the former National Hospital Insurance Fund (NHIF), the system was designed to modernise access to healthcare and provide improved health coverage for all Kenyans. However, only months after its launch, it is now facing a serious crisis of confidence, with hundreds of facilities accused of manipulating reimbursement claims.

Investigations have uncovered practices such as fictitious treatments, inflated billing, and the registration of 'ghost patients.' Health Cabinet Secretary Aden Duale, appearing before members of the National Assembly in Naivasha this week, revealed a disturbing trend in which expectant mothers were allegedly forced to undergo unnecessary caesarean sections to inflate insurance claims.

'Somebody wants to force a mother to a C-section when she can deliver normally just because they want to get a difference of Ksh.20,000 (Rwf 225,000),' Duale told lawmakers.

National Assembly Speaker Moses Wetang’ula expressed concern over the growing reliance on surgical deliveries.

'We used to see doctors tell mothers to push during birth. Nowadays it is just go to theatre. We want to go back to pushing,' he said.

Authorities said irregularities were detected using artificial intelligence, including one striking case in Kwale County, where an insured individual was listed as having 381 dependents.

'We are handing over that patient to the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI),' Duale said.

In response to the revelations, more than 1,100 health facilities have been closed or suspended, and dozens of medical professionals have been deregistered from the SHA system. Criminal investigations are ongoing, with the Directorate of Criminal Investigations pursuing those implicated in the fraud.

Despite the crisis, the government maintains that the Taifa Care programme, central to Kenya’s push for universal health coverage, will continue. Officials say tighter controls and stronger oversight measures are being implemented to restore public trust and ensure the system operates fairly for all Kenyans.

According to authorities, more than Ksh.11 billion (about Rwf 124 billion) was siphoned off through fictitious surgeries and fraudulent claims by health facilities within just six months, between October 2024 and April 2025.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

Following their private meeting, the two Heads of State convened with the African Union—appointed Panel of Experts, comprising former African leaders: former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo, former Ethiopian President Sahle-Work Zewde, former Botswana President Mokgweetsi Masisi, and former Central African Republic President Catherine Samba-Panza.

According to the Office of the President, the talks focused on the “security situation in eastern DRC, the progress of ongoing diplomatic engagements, and ways to strengthen coordination between regional and continental mediation efforts to advance peace, security, and stability in the Great Lakes region.”

The Panel of Experts was established in March 2025 through the merger of the Nairobi and Luanda peace processes, creating a unified framework to harmonise efforts among stakeholders addressing the crisis in eastern DRC. Its mandate includes guiding peace negotiations between the Congolese government and armed groups, including the M23 and other factions active in the region.

The merged peace process prioritises the implementation of previously agreed measures, such as the disarmament of the FDLR militia, a militia group linked to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda. The regional efforts are complemented by international support from countries including Qatar and the United States, aimed at restoring stability in the region.

The AU Panel of Experts was established in March 2025 through the merger of the Nairobi and Luanda peace processes, creating a unified framework to harmonise efforts among stakeholders addressing the crisis in eastern DRC.

The Panel of Experts was established in March 2025 through the merger of the Nairobi and Luanda peace processes.

According to the Office of the President, the talks focused on the security situation in eastern DRC and the progress of ongoing diplomatic engagements.

Faure Gnassingbé, the President of the Council of Togo, is the African Union (AU) Lead Mediator on the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) peace process.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

Today, however, Rwanda has moved past these events, with cross-border trade once again picking up between residents of Rubavu town and Goma, which is currently under the control of AFC/M23.

In an interview with IGIHE, the Mayor of Rubavu, Prosper Mulindwa, discussed these events, trade between residents of Rubavu and Goma, investment opportunities in the area, and the threat previously posed by the FDLR terrorist group.

As we begin 2026, how would you assess how things went for the district last year?

Mulindwa: 2025 is a year that Rubavu residents will not forget, especially around this time, between January 26 and 27, 2026, when the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) attempted to launch artillery strikes at Rwanda in an effort to destabilize our security.

However, their efforts were thwarted due to our country’s strong defense and the bravery of the Rwandan army.

The battle in Goma led to the AFC/M23 taking control, and significant changes followed. The challenges caused by FDLR, Wazalendo, and other groups that had been trying to disrupt Rwanda’s security were defeated and pushed far away, alleviating concerns of insecurity that had been linked to Congo.

Property damaged during the conflict has been repaired, and we assisted 16 families who lost loved ones in the attacks, as well as those who were injured. This support helped revive trade between Goma and Gisenyi, which had previously been disrupted due to the closure of the Kabuhanga border, but is now fully operational.

The main border at Grande Barrière now closes at 6 p.m., whereas the smaller border closes at 12 a.m., a significant change from its previous closure at 9 a.m. This has energized both small and large traders, with an average of 100 to 120 trucks crossing into Rwanda daily to transport goods to Goma.

The transformation in the district is evident, and hope is on the rise. Barriers that once made it difficult for people from the DR Congo to trade in Rwanda have been removed, leading to a significant increase in border crossings.

For example, Grande Barrière now sees 6,000 to 8,000 people crossing daily, while the smaller border handles 36,000 users each day—compared to the past, when trade was almost nonexistent.

Today, people are happier and continue to invest in various sectors. This growth shows that we are heading toward larger projects, and we are seeing a rapid development of the city as most people are now requesting permits to build multi-story buildings, accelerating the city’s development.

How would you describe Rwanda’s relationship with AFC/M23, now that they have become a neighboring presence?

We cannot say that there is a relationship as we are not concerned with that. Our focus is on whether our borders are functioning. And as far as the borders are concerned, they are open and functioning well. Our citizens travel there and return peacefully. That alone gives us confidence that there is peace in Congo and that the residents there are not causing harm to our people.

Before, we had people trying to destabilize our security, some of whom we arrested in Rwanda. They came with ill intentions, but there has been no security threat from Congo. Our concern is how our people are treated when they cross into Congo, how they are received, how they cross the border, the services they receive, and how they return with good stories. This shows that the country is not a threat to us, and that continues to be the case today.

The Mayor of Rubavu, Prosper Mulindwa discussed the trade between Rubavu residents and those in Goma and investment opportunities in the area.

Are you referring to the FDLR as the group that was behind efforts to destabilize Rwanda?

Yes, it is FDLR, and as you know, FDLR had been integrated into the FARDC (Congolese military), making it difficult to distinguish between the two. They had been operating on the Congo side of the border, and you could hear them speaking Kinyarwanda language.

These people are no longer here. AFC/M23 has defeated them, and they have moved far away.

We also had some of our own citizens who had joined FDLR and Wazalendo in the past, but they have returned to Rwanda and received training at Mutobo and reintegrated into society.

Over 150 of them have returned. This shows that the security issue was real, especially when people tried to bring in new fighters and recruit our citizens into their military to fight against us.

Shifting focus from the FDLR, what is the current situation regarding drugs coming across the border?

The issue of drugs is still present. However, the legal systems between our two countries are not aligned, so what is prohibited in Rwanda might be allowed in Congo. This challenge continues because the laws have not been harmonized yet.

In Rwanda, drugs are illegal, and we intercept them at the border whenever attempts are made to smuggle them. While we have not completely stopped this, we remain committed to protecting our borders and raising awareness among citizens. Those caught in the illegal drug trade are arrested, and the law is enforced.

How is Rubavu faring in terms of business and tourism?

After these challenges, our tourism sector picked up in 2025, to the point where there were days when we welcomed more tourists than our available infrastructure could accommodate. In July 2025, we even had so many visitors that all rooms were fully booked, reflecting the growing popularity of Rubavu.

Domestic tourism, with Rwandans coming from other parts of the country, has grown, and many people continue to book new hotels and call on us for support as they implement the national development vision. Construction is still ongoing, so in the near future we will have many more hotels, and we continue to attract new investors.

There is also demand for state land for investments, and we are seeing positive developments in agriculture and livestock, with increased productivity.

In 2025, we also launched a new tourism project, including the Nengo Hill hike and tourism based on conferences, which will complement our tourism sector.

All of this has contributed to raising the district’s commercial profile. The taxes collected from businesses have increased significantly, from Rwf4.2 billion to Rwf5 billion, showing that the private sector is thriving.

Rubavu has a new port. How has it transformed water transport?

This is the first time Rubavu has had such a port, and it has opened a new route for cross-border trade. We were used to land borders, but because our neighbor, Congo, has vast areas that are more accessible by water, the port has been a great addition. The port has made it easier for goods to reach parts of Congo that were previously hard to access, greatly benefiting cross-border trade.

Today, over 90 vessels use the port, and goods produced in Rwanda now have an easier route to DR Congo, opening up new opportunities in business and helping us make better use of Lake Kivu.

The Mayor of Rubavu, Prosper Mulindwa discussed the trade between Rubavu residents and those in Goma and investment opportunities in the area.

There’s been talk of introducing public ferry services. How far along is this plan?

The public ferry service is still under preparation, but things are progressing well. The port now has a section dedicated to passengers, and we are in the process of constructing larger ferries to carry more passengers. The President has already approved the ferry for the Nkombo residents in Rusizi, and this will be used by everyone, not just Nkombo residents. The ferry is still being built.

Regarding legal reforms, the Rwanda Transport Development Agency (RTDA) has presented the project that will regulate passenger transport by water. This is still being reviewed, and the relevant authorities are evaluating it before final approval.

We expect to see the water transport system operational soon, both from a ferry perspective and legally. There will be new signs to guide boats and established routes.

What is the status of plans to upgrade Rubavu’s airport and launch RwandAir flights?

The airport project has been in preparation for some time, and we’ve received information that preparations for flights to Rubavu are almost complete. However, we are still awaiting the exact start date. This is a large-scale project that involves regulatory work, ensuring airport security, and preparing other facilities for the flights.

We are told the project is almost ready, and we are waiting for the announcement of the start date. Everything else has been prepared, and there have been no major obstacles. We expect the launch to happen soon.

What are Rubavu’s prospects for 2026?

We will continue from where we left off. We are focusing on urban planning to ensure that people build properly and use the land effectively. We are also helping people invest in infrastructure and grow their businesses. Rubavu will continue to be a key economic hub with new multi-story buildings, improved public spaces, and more opportunities for investors.

Rubavu residents are encouraged to make use of the industrial zone, and we continue to focus on agriculture and livestock to improve production. We will keep working towards sustainable growth for everyone in the district.

IGIHE

The approval, confirmed by the U.S. State Department and Pentagon on January 31, 2026, is part of ongoing efforts to enhance Israel’s defense capabilities amidst escalating tensions in the Middle East.

The sale includes state-of-the-art Apache helicopters, which are renowned for their long-range attack capabilities and ability to provide close air support in combat zones. Additionally, the sale features the JLTVs, which are designed to improve Israel’s mobility and firepower on the ground.

These vehicles are equipped with advanced armor to withstand the harsh conditions of modern warfare. Along with these assets, Israel will also receive related components such as power packs for armored carriers and utility helicopters, further strengthening its military capabilities.

The U.S. approval of this deal follows decades of close defense cooperation between the two nations, which has been underpinned by U.S. financial support. The U.S. provides Israel with roughly $3.8 billion annually in military aid as part of efforts to maintain its qualitative military edge in the region. This deal continues that support, ensuring that Israel remains capable of defending itself against various threats from neighboring countries and non-state actors in the region.

However, the approval of the sale has sparked controversy, particularly among some U.S. lawmakers and human rights groups. Critics argue that supplying Israel with advanced offensive weaponry at this juncture could exacerbate the already volatile situation, particularly in Gaza, where Israel’s military operations have raised concerns over civilian casualties and destruction of infrastructure. These groups fear that the new equipment could lead to further escalation in the ongoing conflict.

On the other hand, proponents of the sale argue that Israel faces numerous threats, particularly from Iranian-backed militias operating in Syria and Lebanon, and that modernizing its defense systems is essential to counter these risks.

The deal remains subject to procedural reviews, including a notification period in which Congress has the option to object. However, given the strong defense ties between the two nations, the sale is expected to proceed without major challenges.

The delivery of the equipment will take place over the next several years, ensuring that Israel remains well-equipped to face evolving security challenges.

The United States has approved a major arms sale to Israel, valued at $6.6 billion, which includes advanced military equipment such as 30 AH-64E Apache attack helicopters.

Rania Umutoni

According to the March 23 Movement rebel group, the incident occurred on Wednesday at the Rubaya coltan mine in North Kivu province, about 60 kilometers northwest of Goma.

According to Lumumba Kambere Muyisa, spokesperson for the rebel-appointed governor of North Kivu, heavy rains triggered the landslide, causing the ground to give way and collapse several mining shafts where people were working and sheltering.

Many of the victims were reportedly miners, children and women. Witnesses described chaotic rescue efforts as family members and neighbours scrambled to pull survivors from the mud and rubble.

Some individuals were saved with serious injuries and taken to health facilities in Rubaya, with plans to transfer the most badly hurt to hospitals in Goma for further treatment.

Officials have not yet confirmed an exact death toll, but multiple local authorities say the figure exceeds 200. One unnamed provincial official told international media that at least 227 bodies have so far been confirmed, though the number could rise as rescue teams continue searching through collapsed tunnels and debris.

The Rubaya mine is a significant source of coltan, a mineral used to produce tantalum, a metal essential in the manufacturing of mobile phones, computers, aerospace components, and other high-tech devices. It contributes approximately 15 percent of the global coltan supply, yet local miners often work without proper safety safeguards and for very low daily wages.

M23 rebels have been controlling the mine since May 2024 after seizing territory from the Congolese government.

A devastating landslide at a coltan mine in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo has killed more than 200 people, marking one of the deadliest mining disasters in the region in recent years.

Rania Umutoni

Even poor young men could marry through gutenda, working for their father-in-law when they lacked cattle. As one elder from Gasabo recalls, 'A man could marry through hard work, not money. What mattered was his character.' His wife added with a nostalgic smile, 'Inkoko n’ihene zashoboraga guhuza imiryango. Ubu byose byarahindutse.' ('A chicken or goat could unite families. Today everything has changed.') Another elder from Kimironko echoed the sentiment: 'Inkwano was a blessing, not a bill. If we lose that, we lose the meaning of marriage.'

But modern life has reshaped this cherished custom. Today, bride price negotiations in some families resemble financial transactions more than cultural rituals. For families living on the margins, the marriage of a daughter can feel like a rare economic lifeline. In parts of Rwanda, for example, parents/families often demand several cows or a sum of cash during marriage negotiations.

What was once symbolic has slowly become commercial, a shift many young people say is making marriage feel out of reach. In some Rwandan families, inkwano has become a strategy to replace livestock lost to drought, fund the education of younger siblings, or pay off long-standing debts.

One father from eastern province describes the pressure bluntly: 'When you have nothing, and someone offers ten cows to marry your daughter, you start to see the marriage as a blessing from God. You don’t think about her future; you think about survival today.' Such sentiments illustrate how economic desperation alters the moral landscape surrounding inkwano. A local leader in Bugesera expressed concern: 'We are receiving more complaints from families than before. The negotiations are turning into arguments instead of celebrations.'

A young mechanic from Nyamirambo put it bluntly: 'You can love someone, but if her family demands three cows, what do you do? Marriage is becoming something only the rich can afford.' One young man from Nyagatare shared his frustration: 'I want to marry, but the demands are impossible. It feels like you must be rich before you can even love someone.'

A university student from the University of Rwanda shared a similar concern: 'My girlfriend and I planned to marry after graduation, but her parents want so much. Sometimes I feel like giving up and just focusing on my job.' In Kigali, a moto rider explained his dilemma: 'I earn just enough to survive. How do they expect me to bring cows, cash, and furniture? You feel defeated before you even start.'

In Gahanga, a group of young men sitting at a bus park joked bitterly about bride price: 'A cow today costs more than our yearly savings,' one said. Another added, 'Wagira ngo dushaka kugura ikibanza, si umugeni!' ('It’s like we’re buying a land, not a bride!') A third chimed in, 'If this continues, many of us will stay bachelors forever.' Though said in humor, their frustration reflects a growing national concern.

The rising cost of bride price also affects women. When a groom pays heavily, some men feel entitled to greater control over their wives. One woman shared, 'Whenever I questioned anything, my husband reminded me, 'Do you know how many cows I gave for you?’ That sentence alone could silence me and start to feel like I was bought.' This dynamic traps women in cycles of emotional and economic dependence, reinforcing gender inequality.

A member of a women’s cooperative in Nyabugogo added, 'We hear many stories of men who believe inkwano gives them ownership. This thinking must change.' Another young woman from Kigali recalls, 'My uncles would say, 'You are our only hope; when you marry, we will finally recover.’ I felt like everyone was waiting for me to save the family.' This burden turns daughters into economic assets, reshaping upbringing, education, and even personal aspirations. When bride price becomes too high, it puts pressure on both sides. It turns love into negotiation.

Human rights activists warn that as bride price becomes more commercialized, its original meaning is being lost. Instead of symbolizing unity, it can create tension, resentment, and financial stress for new couples. A pastor in Gikondo commented, 'We counsel couples who start marriage already in debt because of inkwano. That debt becomes the first conflict in the home.' At the same time, no one wants to abandon inkwano altogether. It remains a valued Rwandan tradition, one that still has the power to bless a marriage when practiced with moderation and respect.

A mother in Nyarugenge summarized this sentiment well: 'Inkwano should open the door for the young couple, not close it. If we demand too much, we kill the joy and burden their future.' A father from Gatenga echoed this message: 'Our parents asked for one cow.

Today people want five to ten cows, televisions and sofas. Tugomba kwisubiraho.' ('We need to rethink ourselves.') A village elder in Rebero put it firmly: 'If we keep raising the price, our sons will stop marrying and our daughters will stay home longer than they wish.'

There are practical steps communities and policymakers can take to restore balance. Families can choose to keep inkwano symbolic rather than extravagant, remembering that its value lies in honor, not wealth.

Community leaders can encourage reasonable expectations through local dialogues, helping reduce pressure on young couples. A women’s rights activist in Kigali suggested, 'Let families agree on limits that protect culture but also protect young people from financial stress.' Public awareness campaigns especially on radio and in schools can highlight the risks of turning marriage into a marketplace negotiation. And while no law should dictate bride price, communities can adopt voluntary guidelines that promote fairness and cultural integrity.

Ultimately, Rwanda has always found strength in adapting traditions without losing their heart. If families return to the original spirit of inkwano, young people will once again see marriage not as a financial obstacle but as a hopeful beginning. A tradition meant to unite should never divide, and a practice meant to honor should never burden.

The future of Rwandan marriage depends on restoring balance so that love, not money, becomes the true foundation of family life. As one grandmother from Kabeza reminded her family during a recent gusaba: 'Umugeni si igicuruzwa. Ni umuntu uje kongera ibyishimo mu muryango.' ('A bride is not a product. She is a person who comes to bring joy into a family.')

The author of the article, Alex Twahirwa is a policy analyst

For generations, a cow offered during dowry introduction in Rwanda, represented gratitude rather than wealth.

Alex Twahirwa

Joël Guerriau, 68, is on trial in Paris after being charged with secretly administering a controlled substance to Sandrine Josso, a member of the French National Assembly. Prosecutors allege he put MDMA, a psychoactive drug, into a glass of champagne he served to Josso during what she believed was a private election‑night celebration.

According to courtroom testimony and media interviews, Josso, 50, began feeling unwell shortly after drinking the champagne. She experienced severe symptoms that prompted her to leave the gathering and seek medical attention at a hospital, where tests confirmed the presence of MDMA in her system. Josso has described the experience as terrifying and has framed it publicly as a case of drug‑facilitated assault.

Guerriau, who has acknowledged that he served a drink containing MDMA, denies any intention to harm Josso. His defense lawyers have argued that the incident was a 'handling error,' claiming Guerriau originally mixed the drug for himself while going through a period of depression and accidentally served it to her instead.

The charges against Guerriau include possession and use of drugs as well as the administration of a substance to facilitate sexual assault which under French law can carry sentences of up to 10 years for drug‑related offenses and five years for drug‑facilitated assault. He resigned his Senate seat in October 2025 amid mounting political pressure, though his lawyers have insisted his resignation was unrelated to the trial.

This case has reignited public debate in France about drug‑facilitated sexual violence and consent discussions that were previously brought into sharp focus by the Pélicot trial, a widely covered case in which more than 50 men were convicted of repeatedly raping a woman while she was unconscious after being drugged by her then‑husband.

That trial helped galvanize calls for legal reform and contributed to the adoption in October 2025 of expanded rape laws that define non‑consensual sexual acts more broadly.

A former French senator has appeared in a Paris court, accused of drugging a fellow lawmaker in an alleged attempt to sexually assault her, a case that has drawn intense public scrutiny.

Rania Umutoni

In an interview with the New York Post published Saturday, Trump described the device as a key factor in neutralising Venezuelan defences.

'The Discombobulator. I’m not allowed to talk about it,' he said. 'They never got their rockets off. They had Russian and Chinese rockets, and they never got one off. We came in, they pressed buttons, and nothing worked. They were all set for us.'

The operation, carried out on January 3, resulted in the arrest of Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, at their Caracas compound. Trump has previously described how U.S. personnel used cyber tools to knock out power across the capital, leaving Venezuelan forces largely incapacitated.

While the U.S. military possesses a directed-energy weapon known as the Active Denial System, which emits an invisible radio frequency beam causing a burning sensation, it is unclear whether this was the technology Trump referenced.

Beyond Venezuela, Trump reiterated that the U.S. could extend military strikes against drug cartels to North America. 'We know their routes. We know everything about them. We know their homes. We know everything about them. We’re going to hit the cartels,' he said. Asked whether these strikes could occur in Central America or Mexico, Trump responded: 'Could be anywhere.'

On Friday, the U.S. conducted a strike on an alleged drug-trafficking boat in the eastern Pacific Ocean, marking at least 36 known strikes in the Caribbean and eastern Pacific since early September that have killed at least 117 people.

Trump also said that the U.S. has seized oil aboard seven Venezuelan tankers, though he did not disclose the ships’ current locations. 'I’m not allowed to tell you,' he said. 'But let’s put it this way, they don’t have any oil. We take the oil.'

The U.S. operation, carried out on January 3, resulted in the arrest of Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, at their Caracas compound. Trump has previously described how U.S. personnel used cyber tools to knock out power across the capital, leaving Venezuelan forces largely incapacitated.

Wycliffe Nyamasege