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“If implemented, this could amount to a death sentence for millions of people facing extreme hunger and starvation,” the WFP said in a statement on X.

The agency said it is currently in contact with the U.S. government to seek clarification and appeal for the continued support of its life-saving programmes.

The WFP acknowledged and expressed gratitude for the contributions it receives from the United States and other international donors, said the agency, reiterating its commitment to delivering “vital food assistance to vulnerable communities in hunger hot spots across the globe.”

U.S. President Donald Trump’s administration has decided to cancel most remaining U.S. aid, including food assistance, for Afghanistan, Yemen and other 12 countries, aid sources from the State Department and U.S. Agency for International Development said Monday.

Xinhua

With a population of around 800,000 and covering over 1,200 square kilometers, Dujiangyan boasts clean air, lush forests, and a balance between tradition and modernity. During my visit, I found myself unexpectedly reminded of my hometown, Kigali, Rwanda. From its quiet, green environment to its peaceful energy, Dujiangyan felt like home.

When I landed in Sichuan Province, something clicked almost instantly. The calm streets, the green scenery, and the fresh air made me feel like I had returned to Kigali. Within thirty minutes of arriving in Chengdu, I found myself breathing deeply and smiling without even realizing it. The streets weren’t crowded, and trees were everywhere. Nature seemed to take the lead here—just like back home.

Lush greenery and clear skies welcome visitors at the entrance to Dujiangyan.

Every street in Dujiangyan whispered stories of peace and connection. I saw how a city could hold onto its cultural soul while still welcoming the new. It’s that same harmony I’ve always loved about Kigali, and finding it in Dujiangyan was both surprising and heartwarming.

Dujiangyan’s ancient town is more than just a historic area—it’s a living symbol of China’s frontier trade history. Once a key stop on the ancient Tea Horse Road and the connection point between Chengdu and the Aba Autonomous Prefecture, this area was a thriving center for goods, travelers, and culture.

It’s not just a beautiful place; it’s a feeling that lingers long after you leave.

Centuries ago, it bustled with merchants and traders who built prosperous businesses such as teahouses, inns, cloth shops, and even money exchange shops. The commercial vibrancy of the town earned it the nickname 'Small Chengdu.'

Today, the charm of that era lives on through its well-preserved architecture and winding stone streets, making it a must-see for anyone wanting to experience the soul of old China.

Chengdu Sunac Cultural Tourism City’s Snow World is recognized as the world’s largest indoor ski resort.

During my visit, I had the honour of listening to Li Huaqiang, Deputy Director of the Sichuan Foreign Affairs Office. In his speech, he highlighted how Dujiangyan has become not only a national ecological model and cultural treasure, but also an international partner.

“Chengdu stands alone as the world’s only megacity where skyscrapers share the horizon with 6,000-meter snow-capped peaks. For 15 consecutive years, it has topped the list of the Happiest Cities in China. It’s a city you won’t want to leave once you arrive—and one you’ll always want to return to,” Li said.

Night view of Chengdu Sunac Cultural Tourism City.

The city is part of 10 international organizations and has built friendly relations with 36 cities across countries such as France, Germany, Japan, and the U.S.

Li emphasized the city’s commitment to openness and sustainable growth, noting how Dujiangyan continues to be a bridge between cultures and a model for integrated development.

Technological progress

Despite its deep roots in history, Chengdu—which administers Dujiangyan as a county-level city—is a symbol of technological progress. The city is home to several groundbreaking enterprises that reflect China’s rapid development and innovation.

Sichuan Huati Lighting Technology Co., Ltd., stands out as the first and only mainboard-listed company in the road lighting field in China.

One of the companies I visited was Sichuan Huati Lighting Technology Co., Ltd., established in 2004. It stands out as the first and only mainboard-listed company in the road lighting field in China. With designations such as National Industrial Design Center and Green Factory, Huati is helping lead the way in sustainable city lighting solutions.

Another major player in the city’s industrial rise is TGOOD, a firm founded by German and Chinese engineers. It specializes in power distribution solutions such as prefabricated substations and switchgear.

TGOOD, a company founded by German and Chinese engineers, specializes in power distribution solutions.

Also based in nearby Chengdu is China Southwest Architectural Design and Research Institute Co., Ltd. (CSWADI)—one of China’s largest architectural firms, known for its blend of historical preservation and futuristic design.

This is the Anlan Suspension Bridge, one of the five famous ancient bridges of China.

Villages in Dujiangyan City.

South Bridge, the first one in the Land of Abundance, Dujiangyan City, China.

The city is known as the home of the pandas.

Sichuan Huati Lighting Technology Co., Ltd., stands out as the first and only mainboard-listed company in the road lighting field in China.

Night view of Xijie Street in Dujiangyan, Chengdu.

Night view of the ancient town in Dujiangyan.

Nightscape of Dujiangyan.

From sunrise over the mountains to sunset by the river, Dujiangyan’s beauty is endless.

In Dujiangyan, even the air feels more refreshing.

Dujiangyan City is considered one of the most livable cities in China, known for its historical significance and natural beauty.

Cycling through the quiet backroads of Dujiangyan.

A quiet path blanketed in snow near Mount Qingcheng, perfect for peaceful winter hikes and photo-worthy moments.

Christian Mugisha

The FDLR, a group long entrenched in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, was created by individuals, many of them fugitives from justice, who fled Rwanda after orchestrating or participating in the genocide.

These included former military officers and ideologues who swore never to return to Rwanda unless it was under their control.

Gakwerere, once a lieutenant stationed at the ESO military academy in Butare, later became the Secretary General of the FDLR. But his legacy is steeped in blood, beginning with the role he played in the early days of the genocide.

According to testimony from CG Evariste Murenzi, a former FDLR member quoted in a 2007 African Rights report, Gakwerere used to openly joke about his involvement in the killings.

'He bragged that he ordered soldiers to storm the residence of Jean-Baptiste Habyarimana, the Prefect of Butare,' Murenzi revealed. This was no ordinary act.

Habyarimana, a member of the opposition Liberal Party (PL), had defied the genocidal regime’s push to initiate mass killings in Butare. He promised local residents that he would protect them, a stance that infuriated the interim government led by Théodore Sindikubwabo.

On April 19, 1994, Sindikubwabo condemned Butare residents for not joining the killings. Just two days later, Habyarimana was arrested, by a unit led by Gakwerere, and taken to Gitarama, where he was killed. His murder marked the brutal turning point for Butare.

Among the most shocking crimes linked to Gakwerere is the assassination of Queen Rosalie Gicanda, widow of King Mutara III Rudahigwa. On the morning of April 20, 1994, a military unit including Gakwerere arrived at her modest home in Butare.

Among the most shocking crimes linked to Gakwerere is the assassination of Queen Rosalie Gicanda.

They abducted her along with six other women and executed them behind the national museum. Her death devastated survivors and remains one of the most haunting symbols of how far the genocidaires were willing to go.

But Gakwerere’s blood-stained trail didn’t end there. He is also said to have led a 15-man unit that attacked the Catholic Diocese of Butare and a nearby convent on May 17, killing six people, including young girls, some of whom were stoned to death.

Furthermore, investigations revealed that Gakwerere was the commander of a notorious new military division known as 'New Formula,' responsible for mass killings of Tutsi at roadblocks and various sites across Butare.

Survivors remember the terror instilled by these killings, many watched their families slaughtered in broad daylight, often after being falsely promised protection.

For decades, Gakwerere evaded justice, rising through the FDLR ranks while hiding in the Congolese jungles. His capture by M23 fighters and handover to Rwanda in 2025 marked a crucial step toward accountability.

For survivors, it is a moment that reaffirms their pursuit of justice, memory, and truth. Justice may be delayed, but it is not denied. The haunting memories of Gakwerere’s victims, and the survivors who live with those scars, demand that the world never forget the scale of evil that took root in 1994.

His trial will not only expose the depth of his crimes but also serve as a testament to the resilience of those who survived and the ongoing commitment to never allow such horror to happen again.

Brigadier General Gakwerere, a former senior commander of the terrorist militia group FDLR, who was captured in January 2025 and extradited to Rwanda on March 1.

IGIHE

The commemoration was marked by a walk to remember, a moment of silence and lighting of flame in remembrance of over one million lives lost during the genocide.

In the Republic of South Sudan, the commemoration was held at the UNMISS RWANBATT-3 Base Camp Durupi in Central Equatorial State in the outskirts of Juba City. Participants included South Sudan government officials, the UNMISS Military Component, UN agencies officials, Rwandan community and peacekeepers.

The Chairman of the Rwandan Community in South Sudan and guest of honour, Mr William Ngabonziza, said in his remarks that Rwanda has undergone a remarkable transformation since 1994 transitioning from horrors of the Genocide to become a beacon of hope and resilience.

He added that the country achieved significant strides in reconciliation, reconstruction, and socio-economic development through visionary leadership and collective efforts. He stressed that Rwanda’s journey of unity and peace serves as a testament to the resilience of its people and the power of forgiveness and reconciliation.

He also regretted that the International Community failed to intervene while Rwandans were in dire need of protection and called on the world to never let such atrocities happen again.

A separate commemoration was also organised by Rwandan community and peacekeepers in Malakal, Torit, Yambio, Kuajok, Bentiu, Bor, and Rumbek in South Sudan.

In Central African Republic, the Rwandan peacekeepers (Rwanda Battle Group VII and Level 2 Hospital in Bria, and RWANBATT-2 in Bossembele) serving under the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilisation Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA), along with UN staff, local authorities, and the local community, marked the 31st commemoration of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi at the events held in Bria and Bossembele base camps.

Sous- Préfe Madam Nakomana Beatrice and the mayor of Bossembele as well as Local security commanders, were present Colonel Jean de la Croix Baziruwiha, Deputy Commander of Sector East highlighted the hard-earned lessons from Rwanda’s path of recovery, reconciliation, and resilience.

He reminded attendees that the Genocide against the Tutsi in 1994 was not an accident of history but a prepared campaign made possible by divisive ideology and poor leadership.

Lieutenant Colonel Ndanyuzwe Muzindutsi, the Contingent Commander of RWANBATT-2 in Bossembele, highlighted the systematic planning and execution of Genocide against Tutsi in Rwanda by the bad leadership; he reminded the contingent of their duty to uphold peace in their area of responsibilities.

The commemoration not only honours the lives lost in the 1994 Genocide against Tutsi, but also stresses Rwanda’s unwavering commitment to genocide prevention and promotion unity and peace both at home and across the globe through its peacekeeping missions.

The flame of hope was also lit as Rwandan peacekeepers commemorated the Genocide against the Tutsi.

Participants of the commemoration event participated in a walk to remember

A moment of silence was observed in honor of over one million lives lost during the genocide.

IGIHE

The genocide had begun openly on April 7, 1994, following the assassination of President Juvénal Habyarimana when his plane was shot down. Within hours, mass killings of Tutsi civilians were underway across the country, particularly in the capital, Kigali.

Recognizing the scale and urgency of the atrocities, Kagame issued immediate orders to his military commanders. Speaking from Mulindi in Byumba, the RPA’s main base at the time, he directed RPA forces to launch an offensive aimed specifically at halting the genocide.

The decision was quickly communicated to international diplomats and humanitarian organizations.

The first soldiers given the task of stopping the genocide were the 600 RPA troops already stationed at the CND (Parliament) in Kigali since December 28, 1993. Led by Charles Kayonga, this battalion included several high-ranking officers such as Maj Gen (Rtd) Charles Karamba (then a Captain), Jacob Tumwine, Emmanuel Rugazora, and Kwikiriza.

Originally, the soldiers’ mission was to protect FPR-Inkotanyi politicians who were expected to join the transitional government. But the downing of the president’s plane changed everything.

The soldiers, surrounded and attacked by government forces from Kanombe and Kacyiru, had to defend themselves and civilians who began seeking refuge.

On Kagame’s orders, the battalion transformed their CND post (now the Rwandan Parliament building) into a safe haven. Part of it became a makeshift hospital. Alone, they held their ground until April 11, when the Alpha Battalion under Sam Kaka arrived from Gicumbi, reinforcing them and allowing for a broader push across the city to stop the killings.

The goal was urgent and uncompromising—to defeat the enemy forces, dismantle roadblocks manned by the Interahamwe militia, and rescue Tutsi wherever they were being hunted. In every area secured by the RPA, they established safe zones, arranged for medical care, distributed food, provided clothing and shelter—restoring a measure of humanity in the face of systematic extermination.

Special squads were tasked with identifying and evacuating wounded survivors, abandoned children, and the elderly. The soldiers did everything: defending safe zones, administering first aid, collecting medicine, comforting victims, and gathering intelligence about others in hiding.

RPA troops faced fierce resistance from genocidal forces. Yet they pushed forward—fighting by day and rescuing by night. In Kigali, where the battlefield was chaotic and government troops were heavily concentrated, night missions were often the only way to search for and extract survivors. Soldiers combed through homes, bushes, streets—anywhere people might be hiding.

Survivors were taken to the battalion headquarters, where they received food, clothing (as many had been stripped or were barely dressed), medical care, and protection. Some were later relocated to pre-secured zones.

Intelligence teams also identified areas where Tutsi were being gathered for mass execution. The information was relayed to command centers, which then launched targeted assaults to liberate those zones. One example was the operation to rescue people trapped in Amahoro Stadium, which had become surrounded by killers. RPA troops stormed Remera and secured the area, saving hundreds.

When locations couldn’t be immediately seized, RPA soldiers infiltrated under the cover of night, battling their way in and evacuating victims. Such missions saved lives at Saint Paul, Saint André, and other high-risk areas.

Some soldiers went even deeper behind enemy lines—not only to gather military intelligence but to pinpoint the locations of genocidaires and, when possible, rescue Tutsi on the spot.

Ultimately, many people were saved through these night missions, and even more were rescued as the RPA took control of Kigali and expanded its reach across the country.

This extraordinary military effort, spearheaded by a resolve to stop the genocide regardless of international inaction, remains one of the most defining chapters in Rwanda’s history.

Kagame’s declaration on April 8, 1994, was more than a warning to the world; it was a promise kept.

On April 8, 1994, just one day after the Genocide against the Tutsi had erupted across Rwanda, Major General Paul Kagame, then Commander of the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), sent a clear and chilling message to the international community that if no one would intervene to stop the genocide, he and his forces would.

IGIHE

The move comes just days after U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio announced the immediate revocation of all U.S. visas held by South Sudanese nationals, citing Juba’s refusal to accept the return of its citizens subject to deportation. The U.S. also halted the issuance of new visas and threatened to block South Sudanese passport holders from entering the country.

In a statement released Tuesday, April 8, South Sudan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said the government had decided to allow the entry of Makula Kintu, the man at the center of the dispute, 'in the spirit of the existing friendly relations' between the two countries.

Kintu had previously been denied entry at Juba International Airport on April 5 and 6, prompting the U.S. to take sweeping punitive action.

The ministry confirmed that relevant authorities have been instructed to facilitate Kintu’s arrival as early as Wednesday, April 9.

While South Sudan originally claimed that the man was not one of its nationals but a Congolese citizen who had been misidentified, it now says it will admit him and remains committed to facilitating the return of ‘verified South Sudanese nationals’ deported from the United States.

The diplomatic dispute marks the first instance since President Donald Trump’s return to office in January that the U.S. has imposed a blanket visa ban targeting all citizens of a single country. Trump’s administration, campaigning on a hardline anti-immigration platform, has promised widespread deportations and stricter enforcement of immigration laws.

'This is about national security and public safety,' Rubio said on Saturday. 'The transitional government of South Sudan has failed to comply with basic international norms by refusing to accept its deported nationals.'

The U.S. government has dismissed South Sudan’s earlier defense that the deported individual was actually a Congolese national.

Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau argued that South Sudan’s embassy in Washington had previously certified the man as one of its citizens, making any subsequent disavowal “legally irrelevant.”

'It is unacceptable and irresponsible for South Sudanese government officials to second guess the determination of their own embassy,' Landau said.

The Government of South Sudan has agreed to admit a man recently deported from the United States, marking a swift reversal just days after U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio announced the immediate revocation of all U.S. visas held by South Sudanese nationals.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

In remarks delivered during a commemoration event held at the EAC headquarters in Arusha, Tanzania, Nduva paid tribute to the more than one million lives lost in 100 days and lauded the resilience of survivors, calling their journey of healing, forgiveness, and reconciliation a source of inspiration for the region.

“Despite enduring deep pain and trauma, they have chosen to forgive and reconcile. They are the epitome of hope, renewal and inspiration for us all to recommit to, ‘Never Again to Genocide,’” Nduva stated.

Highlighting the genocide’s chilling warning signs—hate speech, ethnic profiling, incitement, and dehumanisation—the Secretary General warned that these patterns remain evident in some parts of the region today, and are now amplified by social media, disinformation, and broader socio-political vulnerabilities.

“Genocide is not spontaneous; it is a process,” she noted, referencing the eight stages of genocide developed by Prof. Gregory Stanton. “Timely, strategic interventions are key to disrupting this process before it escalates into mass violence.”

The EAC has taken steps in recent years to institutionalise early warning systems, including the establishment of a regional early warning centre and national hubs in some partner states. The Secretary General stressed the need to expand and strengthen these systems, ensuring timely data collection, analysis, and response.

The call for stronger prevention mechanisms comes amid growing concern over rising hate speech and ethnic tensions in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, where the M23 rebels accuse the government of perpetuating ethnic persecution of Congolese Tutsis, further escalating tensions in the region.

The EAC urged partner states to intensify collaboration through a joint mechanism on genocide prevention, in line with Article 5(2)(b) of the Protocol on Peace and Security, and to ensure justice for victims by pursuing accountability for perpetrators.

“As we remember the atrocities of 1994, we must also confront present-day threats with urgency and coordination. Prevention is a shared responsibility—no nation is immune,” the Secretary General emphasised.

Since 2014, the EAC has maintained a Genocide Memorial at its headquarters to honour victims and reaffirm its commitment to the principle of “Never Again.” The Secretariat also partners with the Government of Rwanda and international institutions during annual commemorative activities, including the symbolic Walk to Remember.

In remarks delivered during a commemoration event held at the EAC headquarters in Arusha, Nduva paid tribute to the more than one million lives lost in 100 days and lauded the resilience of survivors, calling their journey of healing, forgiveness, and reconciliation a source of inspiration for the region.

Participants follow the proceedings at an EAC commemoration event held at the EAC headquarters in Arusha.

Since 2014, the EAC has maintained a Genocide Memorial at its headquarters to honour victims and reaffirm its commitment to the principle of “Never Again.”

The EAC Secretariat also took part in the symbolic Walk to Remember to honour the victims of the Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

In a narrow 5-4 decision issued Monday, the justices ruled that the Trump administration can resume deportations under the 1798 Alien Enemies Act (AEA), a law previously invoked only during declared wars.

The ruling also clarified that migrants targeted under the act must be allowed an opportunity to challenge their removal in court.

'The notice must be afforded within a reasonable time and in such a manner as will allow them to actually seek habeas relief in the proper venue before such removal occurs,' the justices wrote in an unsigned opinion.

The Court determined the legal challenge filed by the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) on behalf of five Venezuelan migrants was improperly brought in Washington, D.C., rather than Texas, where the migrants are being held.

The case centers on a controversial March 15 deportation of planeloads of Venezuelan men to a maximum-security prison in El Salvador, which Trump justified under the AEA.

The administration argued the deportees were members of Tren de Aragua, a transnational gang Trump labeled a foreign terrorist organization. The group has been linked to sex trafficking, drug smuggling, and violent crimes in both Latin America and US cities.

Trump celebrated the decision on his Truth Social platform, calling it a 'great day for justice in America!'
'The supreme court has upheld the rule of law in our nation by allowing a President, whoever that may be, to be able to secure our Borders, and protect our families and our Country, itself,' he wrote.

While the administration claimed the migrants were 'carefully vetted' and verified as gang members, US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) acknowledged that many had no criminal records.

Some families say their loved ones were wrongly deported based on tattoos or mistaken identity. Civil rights groups were divided in their reaction. The ACLU called the ruling both a disappointment and a partial victory.

'We are disappointed that we will need to start the court process over again in a different venue. But the critical point is that the Supreme Court said individuals must be given due process to challenge their removal under the Alien Enemies Act,' said Lee Gelernt, lead attorney for the ACLU.

Conservative Justice Amy Coney Barrett joined the Court’s three liberal justices in dissent, warning that the administration’s approach posed 'an extraordinary threat to the rule of law.'

The lower court’s block was initially imposed by district judge James Boasberg, who found the government’s justification for using the law inadequate. His injunction was upheld by a federal appeals court before being overturned by the supreme court.

Boasberg had blasted the administration’s response to his order as 'woefully insufficient,' noting that deportations had already begun when his ruling was issued. At least 137 people have been deported under the AEA so far.

Critics argue that Trump’s use of the AEA sets a dangerous precedent. The law, passed in 1798 during tensions with France, grants the president sweeping authority to detain or deport citizens of an enemy nation.

Until now, it had only been used during officially declared wars, none of which the US currently has. Legal experts and human rights organizations warn that invoking such powers in peacetime, without congressional war authorization, could erode long standing constitutional protections.

U.S. President Donald Trump is now free to use wartime law to deport undocumented migrants.

IGIHE

According to the statement, the closure applies to all flights departing from or destined for Mali.

It marks an escalation in tensions between Algeria and Mali, which began Sunday when Mali and its allies Niger and Burkina Faso recalled their ambassadors to Algeria in protest against the downing of a Malian military drone between March 31 and April 1 by Algerian forces.

The three governments, in a joint statement, “strongly condemned” the drone incident, saying it was part of a “premeditated hostile act” by Algeria and “disrupted an operation targeting a group planning a terrorist attack.”

The statement claimed that the drone crashed within Malian territory, about 9.5 km from the Algerian border, and “almost fell vertically,” which it said strongly suggested a hit by a surface-to-air or air-to-air missile.

In response, Algeria’s Foreign Ministry, in a statement earlier in the day, denounced the accusations as “serious, false, and unfounded,” saying the drone was downed as it infiltrated Algerian airspace, citing the Defense Ministry’s radar data.

The Foreign Ministry also announced the recall of ambassadors from Mali and Niger, as well as a delay in the accreditation of a new envoy to Burkina Faso, under “the principle of reciprocity.”

Tensions between Mali and Algeria have persisted in recent years, with the Malian side accusing Algeria of “harboring terrorist groups in border regions.”

Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune and Mali’s interim President Assimi Goïta. On Monday, Algeria announced the closure of its airspace to all Malian aircraft, citing repeated violations of its territorial sovereignty.

Xinhua