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The call came as Rwanda began the 31st commemoration of the genocide, which claimed the lives of over one million Tutsi, killed simply because of how they were born.

“This appalling chapter in human history was not a spontaneous frenzy of horrendous violence. It was intentional, premeditated and planned — including through hate speech that inflamed division, and spread lies and dehumanization,” reads part his message shared on Monday.

Guterres warned that the same seeds of division that led to the genocide in Rwanda are being sown again in today’s world.

“These are days of division. The narrative of ‘us’ versus ‘them’ is ascendant, polarizing societies. Digital technologies are being weaponized to further inflame hate, stoke division, and spread lies.”

He also emphasized the urgency for nations to take action: “We must learn from the terrible history of the genocide [against the Tutsi] in Rwanda, and act to stem the tide of hate speech, stop disunity and discontent mutating into violence, uphold human rights, and ensure accountability.”

The Secretary-General called on all States to deliver on commitments made in the Global Digital Compact to tackle online falsehoods and hate, 'to comply with their obligations under international humanitarian and human rights law, and to become parties to the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide without delay’.

“Today, around the world, the darkest impulses of humanity are being awakened once more by the voices of extremism, division and hate. On this day of remembrance, let’s commit to be vigilant and to work together to build a world of justice and dignity for all — in honour of all the victims and survivors of the genocide [against the Tutsi] in Rwanda.”

In Rwanda, a national week of mourning for the over a million innocent lives starts every year on 7th-13th April, while commemoration activities continue throughout the 100 days period ending on July 3rd.

April 7th has also since 2018 been designated the International Day of Reflection on the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda by the United Nations and is commemorated every year at the African Union level in honor of the innocent lives.

At the national level, the 31st Commemoration was marked by a solemn ceremony held at the Kigali Genocide Memorial.

President Paul Kagame and First Lady Jeannette Kagame led the event by lighting the Flame of Hope, a symbol of remembrance and resilience.

The ceremony was attended by senior government officials and friends of Rwanda, all gathered to honour the memory of the victims and reflect on the country’s journey toward healing and unity.

The United Nations (UN) Secretary-General, António Guterres has urged the international community to draw lessons from the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.

Théophile Niyitegeka

Speaking at the Kwibuka31 ceremony in Kigali, Kagame reflected on Rwanda’s traumatic past and the persistent challenges of the present, declaring that the trials the country has endured have only strengthened its resolve.

'What didn’t kill us and finish us 31 years ago has hardened us,' Kagame said. 'It has prepared us for the bad things that will always come any time these people want and wish. Honestly, I want to assure you, we will not die—not fighting like last time.'

The president emphasised that Rwanda’s survival and progress since the genocide were not the result of favours from external powers, but of a conscious choice by Rwandans to stand up and fight for their dignity. He urged citizens to maintain the spirit.

“I’ve had people come to me and warn me and say, ‘President, you know, you are too vocal. You say things that challenge these people who have the power in their hands, and they’re going to kill you.’ But my answer to them is, you know what? If I were to be there to just accept these things to happen, I don’t think I would count myself as living anyway. It’s like I would already be dead.

“To live a life of lies, of pretense, and all my life to somebody else. I would be dead anyway. So why don’t I die fighting? So, you Rwandans, why don’t you die fighting instead of dying anyway?” he stated.

In a pointed critique of the international community, Kagame lashed out at what he described as hypocrisy and selective outrage from powerful nations and institutions, particularly in their handling of the ongoing conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

He accused certain Western countries of turning a blind eye to hate speech and violence against Congolese Tutsi communities, many of whom have sought refuge in Rwanda, while simultaneously demonising Rwanda for the crisis.

'They expect us to accept it also ourselves, in broad daylight—hate speech, killings of people for their identity, uprooting them from their homes,' Kagame said, referring to the over 125,000 refugees now in Rwanda from eastern DRC.

Kagame also condemned what he called 'fools leading countries and being used as puppets,' accusing some African leaders of squandering national wealth and collaborating with foreign interests at the expense of their own people.

'Find billionaires in a sea of poverty—millions going hungry. These are the ones received in Western capitals and praised. And when Rwanda is being crucified… these are the ones who show up, and everybody is doing their bidding.'

The president’s remarks were equally unfiltered in response to threats of sanctions and criticisms from foreign diplomats and UN officials over claims of Rwanda’s involvement in the conflict in the eastern DRC. He mocked the so-called “group of experts” frequently cited in international reports, questioning their legitimacy and understanding of Rwanda’s context.

'These are people who are supposed to know better our situation than ourselves. Can you imagine?' he asked. 'And the ones who did those groups are the very people connected with this history I’m talking about.'

The Head of State maintained that Rwanda will not be intimidated or shamed into silence. He reiterated that the worst had already happened in 1994 and that no future threat could undo the determination forged in the aftermath.

'The worst—the hurricane—came, and we took cover, and it has passed, and we rebuilt. We rebuilt our strength of all kinds,' Kagame remarked. 'I don’t think there’s any other hurricane that will come and sweep across the country, destroying everything.'

April 7 is recognised as the International Day of Reflection on the Genocide against the Tutsi in 1994. The day is observed globally to honour the memory of more than one million lives lost in just 100 days.

Earlier, President Paul Kagame and First Lady Jeannette Kagame lit a flame of hope at the Kigali Genocide Memorial, marking the official start of the commemoration week and the 100 days of remembrance activities.

The First Family also laid wreaths on the mass graves and paid tribute to the victims.

Speaking at the Kwibuka31 ceremony in Kigali, Kagame reflected on Rwanda’s traumatic past and the persistent challenges of the present, declaring that the trials the country has endured have only strengthened its resolve.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

Speaking during the 31st commemoration of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi on Monday, April 7, Kagame reminded the nation that despite the weight of a painful past and the cruelty of current misrepresentations, Rwanda must hold its head high.

He emphasised that Rwanda’s survival hinges on its people’s refusal to be crushed by historical trauma and ongoing external pressures.

'The dark past and the cruel present—how do you manage that?' Kagame asked rhetorically, acknowledging the inseparable link between the Genocide against the Tutsi, which scarred Rwanda and claimed more than a million lives 31 years ago, and the challenges it faces today.

'From the beginning, we were under no illusion that the two were siblings, and we had to deal with them as such. You are either crushed in between and cease to exist, or you stand up and fight.'

Kagame framed Rwanda’s resilience as a hard-earned strength, forged through adversity.

'What didn’t kill us and finish us 31 years ago has hardened us,' he asserted, assuring the nation that the worst is behind them.

'The hurricane came, and we took cover… it has passed, and we rebuilt. I don’t think there’s any other hurricane that will come and sweep across the country, destroying everything.'

He urged Rwandans to reject passivity, warning that while standing up carries risks, inaction guarantees defeat.

'There is a risk you may die when you stand up to fight. But if you don’t, it’s a sure thing you’re going to die,' he said.

'Why don’t I try to stand up and fight with the chance that I might survive and live the life I want, instead of giving up?'

The president did not shy away from confronting international critics, accusing Western powers and the United Nations of perpetuating a 'cruel present' through hypocrisy and selective justice.

Kagame also voiced frustration at what he described as double standards in international diplomacy—particularly regarding the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the treatment of Congolese Tutsi refugees in Rwanda.

“They’re fine with that. And they expect us to accept it also ourselves, in broad daylight—hate speech, killings of people for their identity, uprooting them from their homes. And most of them are refugees here in this country.

“We have 125,000 people living as refugees in camps, uprooted from their homes in eastern Congo. Then these powerful people come here and pick one, two, three—another day, five, if there are many—to go and settle them in their beautiful countries. And they leave the majority here.”

He condemned African leaders he described as 'puppets,' who enrich themselves while their citizens suffer in poverty.

'Find billionaires in a sea of poverty,' he said. 'These are the ones received in Western capitals and praised.'

Kagame also dismissed claims that Rwanda was plundering minerals in eastern DRC and denounced calls for sanctions.

'If the allegations about the minerals were actually true, Rwanda would be as rich as those making the accusations. In fact, we wouldn’t need your money at all.'

Extending his message beyond Rwanda, Kagame challenged Africans to resist dehumanisation and dependency.

'My message goes to other Africans who live like this on a daily basis—who are dehumanised, and they accept it, and they beg,' he said. 'I can’t beg to live. When can Africans refuse to be mistreated like this? To be told their lives have to be lived as a favour?'

April 7 is recognised as the International Day of Reflection on the Genocide against the Tutsi in 1994. The day is observed globally to honour the memory of more than one million lives lost in just 100 days.

Earlier, President Paul Kagame and First Lady Jeannette Kagame lit a flame of hope at the Kigali Genocide Memorial, marking the official start of the commemoration week and the 100 days of remembrance activities.

The First Family also laid wreaths on the mass graves and paid tribute to the victims.

Speaking during the 31st commemoration of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Kigali, President Paul Kagame called on Rwandans to stand firm and continue defending their dignity in the face of historical injustice and present-day hostility.

Kagame reminded the nation that despite the weight of a painful past and the cruelty of current misrepresentations, Rwanda must hold its head high.

President Kagame also emphasised that Rwanda’s survival hinges on its people’s refusal to be crushed by historical trauma and ongoing external pressures.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

Dear Mr Lammy,

As survivors in the UK about to mark the 31st anniversary of Rwanda’s 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, we are troubled by your position on Rwanda and eastern DRC.

You declare military solutions unacceptable. We agree force should be a last resort, but we are alive precisely because of a military intervention the international community opposed.

From 1990 to 1994, the UN dismissed threats against Rwanda’s Tutsi as insignificant. This despite hate media, the training of extremist militia groups and the coordination of massacres where the perpetrators enjoyed impunity for their crimes.

The architects of genocide in Rwanda were encouraged by international apathy toward incitement to violence and drew the conclusion they could get away with murdering a million Tutsis. The genocide they launched on 7th April 1994 ended only when the Rwandan Patriotic Front gained control of the country through military action.

As our families were slaughtered, Britain and other powers stood aside, calling for a ceasefire; an outcome which would have sealed our fate. Thankfully, the RPF ignored UN Security Council demands and rescued us.

The genocidaires then fled to Zaire (now DRC). Over 500 people indicted for genocide still live freely there; an insult to justice which your government should find intolerable.

The seeds of today’s crisis were planted over a century earlier, however, with Britain’s approval. At the 1884 Berlin Conference, Kinyarwanda-speaking people (the Banyarwanda) lived across territories which were divided by European colonial powers. The communities were split down the middle between Rwanda and eastern Congo.

Many claim DRC’s conflict is solely about fallout from the 1994 Genocide, or about mineral extraction. How then did violent anti-Tutsi ideologies flourish both sides of the border before 1994?

By 1981, Banyarwanda in Zaire had been stripped of citizenship. A decade later, authorities declared them non-Congolese, promising state-supported expulsion. Hunde and Nyanga people massacred Tutsi in North Kivu in 1993.

No Tutsi armed group existed then that could be accused of controlling minerals, yet Tutsis were already being killed in Zaire, a year before genocide in Rwanda.

In 1994, some Congolese authorities welcomed fleeing Rwandan genocidaires as allies against Congolese Tutsi. Although the 2005 DRC constitution reinstated citizenship for Congolese Tutsi after 25 years of statelessness, hate propaganda persisted, echoing Rwanda’s pre-genocide rhetoric that Tutsi were not citizens, but interlopers.

Rwandan genocidaires who fled to Zaire rebranded as FDLR, openly planning return to Rwanda to “finish what they started.” Attacking Congolese Tutsis while maintaining their aim to re-invade Rwanda, they have remained an active threat ever since. As you will recall, in 2022 shells landed in northwest Rwanda during the week of the Commonwealth Heads of Government (CHOGM) meeting in Kigali.

The international community spent billions on DRC peacekeeping yet failed to contain groups which have clear genocidal intent. Militias have multiplied on the UN’s watch. Over a hundred now operate in eastern DRC, many with government backing. The threats these represent to Congolese Tutsi are routinely minimized by human rights organisations and the media, just as threats against us were in Rwanda.

Tutsi self-defence groups in DRC formed only after FDLR attacks began and international protection failed. On 23rd March 2009, one such group — the National Congress for Defence of the People (CNDP) — signed a peace agreement.

They integrated into the DRC army in exchange for protection of Tutsi citizens. This opportunity for peace was squandered by the Congolese Government, and by the international community. There was neither accountability for failure to address grievances, nor serious investment in local peacebuilding, despite community groups trying to build reconciliation against a tide of hate.

Three years on, M23 formed to protect Congolese Tutsi where the DRC Government would not. Established to protect a persecuted people, not to oppress or exploit, it is named after the date of the failed peace agreement, as a reminder that peace does not last without fixing the underlying causes.

Escalating anti-Tutsi hatred and calls for genocide against the Tutsi in Congo were documented long before M23’s recent advances, yet media coverage of other armed groups is virtually non-existent. Scapegoating Rwanda has become so mainstream, it even infects your Africa Minister’s thinking.

This February, Allied Democratic Force — an ISIS-affiliated group not connected to Rwanda — murdered 70 Congolese Christians. Questioned on this in Parliament, the ill-informed Lord Collins implicated Rwanda: “When I met the Foreign Minister of Rwanda in Geneva this morning, he denied all these accusations about things happening.”

We are no longer surprised that Rwanda is accused of involvement in everything that goes wrong in the region. However it is disappointing that your government now spreads this misinformation.

Today we survivors assist Congolese Tutsi refugees arriving in Rwanda, recognizing our past trauma in their present: street lynchings, people burnt alive, even cannibalism. As during our own experience, the warning signs barely triggered interest from human rights groups, until it was too late.

In 1994, the UK Government accepted former Rwandan Government narratives. This led the UN Security Council to prevent UN peacekeepers from protecting us as we were slaughtered.

Now commentators promote the idea that the current DRC conflict is all about minerals and overlook decades of anti-Tutsi discrimination, which predates Tutsi armed resistance.

Your advisers shockingly dismiss M23’s legitimacy as a self-defence group and made recommendations in 2018 that you appear to have adopted on how M23 should be defeated.

Armed groups assembled by DRC to attack M23 include forces with a history of anti-Tutsi genocide. While we don’t accuse DRC of planning genocide, some government members incite anti-Tutsi hatred and openly arm the unrepentant FDLR.

While you sanction Rwanda, you have not taken action against those attacking both M23 and Congolese Tutsi civilians, so your opposition to “military solutions” seems to focus only on forces protecting civilians at risk.

The East African Community deployed a 'protection of civilians’ force in 2022. After one year President Tshisekedi ordered them to leave, in favour of a coalition from South African Development Committee to ‘annihilate its enemies.’

This is the same coalition your 2018 policy paper advised were the regional heavyweights with the best chance to defeat M23. After our tragedy, we helped establish the Responsibility to Protect doctrine that Britain once championed.

The UK’s failure to sanction DRC for arming genocidal groups is bewildering. It gives a green light to groups known for identity-based violence.

As you prepare to commemorate Srebrenica’s 30th anniversary, remember that British policy in 1990s Bosnia prevented one group’s self-defence while leaving adversaries armed. The result was genocide of Bosnian Muslims.

On 7th April, please reflect on these lessons. Prioritizing a nations sovereignty over protection of civilians encourages the very groups that committed genocide.

Britain is diverting money from development aid that could build peace in DRC to defence. We understand the need to fund security due to wars closer to home.

If the UK lacks appetite to provide our brothers and sisters in DRC protection, at least don’t oppose those trying to prevent another tragedy like the one that destroyed our families in 1994, while the world stood by.

Signed by

Beatha Uwazaninka

Apolinaire Kageruka

Bosco Ngabo

Chantal Uwamahoro

Egide Ruhashya

Eric Murangwa

Jean Claude Mujyambere

Julienne Mukabalisa

Naila Amida

Philomene Uwamaliya

Pierre Rurengatabaro

Stephanie Kayirangwa

Leonard Mutangana

Jimmy Kanyambo

Diocre Rwabutogo

Theo Nzabakirana

IGIHE

In a post shared on X, Arsenal paid tribute to the victims and stood in solidarity with Rwanda.

” 'Kwibuka’ means 'to remember’. Today we mark the 31st commemoration of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda,” Arsenal wrote.

April 7, officially recognised by the United Nations as the International Day of Reflection on the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, commemorates the day in 1994 when the genocide began, an atrocity in which over one million Tutsi were systematically killed over a period of 100 days.

In Rwanda, the April 7 commemoration, known as Kwibuka, which means 'to remember' in Kinyarwanda, is observed as a national day of mourning and marks the start of a week-long period of remembrance and reflection.

It serves as a solemn occasion to honour the victims, support survivors, and reaffirm a global commitment to ensuring that such atrocities never happen again.

Arsenal has been a key partner in Rwanda’s recovery and development efforts through the Visit Rwanda campaign, which promotes tourism and investment opportunities in the country. The partnership began in 2018.

The Rwandan government has consistently called on the international community not only to remember the genocide but also to combat genocide ideology and denial. Arsenal’s act of remembrance sends a strong message about the value of global solidarity in honouring the memory of the victims of the Genocide against the Tutsi.

In Rwanda, the April 7 commemoration—known as Kwibuka, which means 'to remember' in Kinyarwanda—is observed as a national day of mourning and marks the start of a week-long period of remembrance and reflection.

Arsenal has been a key partner in Rwanda’s recovery and development efforts through the Visit Rwanda campaign, which promotes tourism and investment opportunities in the country. The partnership began in 2018.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

This ceremony took place at the Kigali Genocide Memorial at Gisozi, where the remains of 259,000 victims from the districts of Gasabo, Kicukiro, and Nyarugenge in Kigali are laid to rest.

April 7th is recognized as the international day of reflection on the Genocide committed against the Tutsi in 1994. A day observed worldwide to remember the over one million lives lost in just 100 days.

Before lighting the flame of hope that will burn for 100 days, President Kagame and First Lady Jeannette Kagame laid wreaths on the mass graves and paid tribute to the victims.

Kagame later thanked both Rwandans and foreigners who joined Rwanda in launching the 31st commemoration week. “I thank you because, often, as we continue to see it, the truth is no longer the basis for understanding what happened,” he said

Among the attendees were government leaders, representatives from genocide survivor organizations, friends of Rwanda, and others.

On January 26, 2018, the United Nations officially designated April 7 as the international day of reflection on the Genocide against the Tutsi, a name that was adopted to reflect the truth of the tragic events.

A survey conducted by the Ministry of Local Government between 2000 and 2002 revealed that 1,074,017 Tutsis were killed during the hundred days from April to July 1994.

This report, released in 2004, documented the locations where the victims lived, their ages, and even the ways in which many of them met their deaths.

President Paul Kagame and First Lady Jeannette Kagame paid tribute to the victims of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.

On April 7, 2025, President Paul Kagame and First Lady Jeannette Kagame lit a flame of hope symbolizing the future of Rwandans.

IGIHE

A man Mitterrand considered a close friend, almost like a son, their friendship had lasted many years, as France had become deeply involved in Rwanda’s internal politics shortly after the country gained independence.

In December 1962, France signed a cooperation agreement with Rwanda, covering both civilian and military sectors. By July 1975, the two countries entered into a special military agreement, and the following year France began supplying Rwanda with military equipment and trainers for its armed forces.

Six years later, in 1981, Mitterrand came to power and found the Franco-Rwandan relations in good standing. He chose to strengthen them even further. In 1983, the special military agreement was revised to include provisions allowing French troops to fight alongside Rwandan forces if needed.

However, throughout this partnership, France turned a blind eye to the Rwandan government’s increasing oppression, mass killings of Tutsi, ethnic discrimination, and widespread displacement. The regime had normalized ethnic division in every sector of society.

These agreements were signed just a year after the Rwandan government expelled Tutsi refugees who had fled Uganda and sought safety back in their homeland, only to be chased out again.

A 1964 United Nations report highlighted that over 300,000 Rwandan refugees were living in exile in Tanzania, Uganda, Burundi, and Zaire. They had fled systemic violence orchestrated by the state. But even in the face of such reports, France chose not to intervene.

This tight-knit relationship is what pushed Mitterrand into despair upon hearing of Habyarimana’s death. Alongside his advisers, he quickly pointed fingers at the former Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), accusing them of shooting down the presidential plane.

This accusation came despite the fact that France had for years been supplying the Habyarimana government with heavy weaponry, including advanced surface-to-air rocket systems capable of downing aircraft.
These weapons had been delivered to Rwanda on the morning of October 10, 1990, as confirmed by one of Mitterrand’s own advisers.

Mitterrand turned his back on Rwanda

After losing the man he viewed as a son, Mitterrand could not bring himself to accept Rwanda’s new government, led by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF-Inkotanyi). He began sidelining Rwanda on the international stage at a time when the country was desperately in need of support.

In November 1994, Mitterrand organized his cherished France-Africa Summit, attended by 25 African heads of state. On the agenda were France-Africa relations, with Rwanda a key focus, especially as the country was emerging from the horror of the Genocide against the Tutsi.

But Rwanda was not invited. Mitterrand viewed the new RPF-led government as enemies of France, according to Dr. Charles Murigande, who served as a diplomatic adviser to Rwanda’s president at the time.

He said, 'The fact that we weren’t invited to that summit in Biarritz doesn’t mean the other African countries viewed Rwanda as a pariah. […] But of course, the President of Rwanda couldn’t just show up in France without an invitation.' He added that Mitterrand’s shame was already evident on the global stage.

'Not being invited by France didn’t surprise us. That’s just who Mitterrand was. It reflected his mindset. He had stood with those who had destroyed Rwanda. Naturally, he felt ashamed. There’s no way he would have had the courage to invite the President of Rwanda to Biarritz.'

Today, relations between France and Rwanda have significantly improved, especially after President Emmanuel Macron expressed a willingness to rebuild diplomatic ties and reconcile historical wounds between the two nations.

After losing the man he viewed as a son, Mitterrand could not bring himself to accept Rwanda’s new government, led by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF-Inkotanyi).

IGIHE

That same night, civilians began calling RPA soldiers stationed at the CND (Conseil National pour le Développement) to report that the Presidential Guard (GP) and the Interahamwe militia had started killing Tutsi civilians and opposition ministers who had disagreed with Habyarimana.

The attackers began with those ministers, especially the Minister of Information and the Prime Minister, to prevent them from going on air and informing Rwandans about what had happened to the President, what should be done next, or what the Arusha accords stipulated for such a crisis.

According to the Arusha accords, in the event of a major crisis like this, a joint political and military council composed of both parties (the government and FPR-Inkotanyi) was to convene.

This council was to include six representatives from the FPR-Inkotanyi and six from the Government side to decide on the next steps together.

Around 10:00 p.m., the CND building came under attack. RPA soldiers created defensive positions at the roundabout leading to the GP camp and other nearby locations to prevent government forces from storming the CND. No soldier loyal to Habyarimana managed to breach the CND defenses.

By around 2:00 a.m. on April 7, Tito Rutaremara called Jacques-Roger Booh-Booh, the head of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR) and representative of the UN Secretary-General, asking whether anything had been done to stop the killings, particularly of the Tutsi, and the attacks on the CND.

But Booh-Booh responded ignorantly claiming not to know anything. Immediately afterward, Tito called General Roméo Dallaire, the commander of the UN peacekeeping forces in Rwanda but he, too, said they were just come out of a meeting at the French Embassy.

When Tito pressed further and asked who was at that meeting. This is what Dallaire told him;
'Some senior Rwandan army officers, Jacques-Roger Booh-Booh, the French Ambassador, the American Ambassador, the German Ambassador, and the Tanzanian Ambassador. They formed a temporary military command structure led by General Gatsinzi, with General Ndindiliyimana as his deputy.'

He was informed that at that moment, Ndindiliyimana is in charge as Gatsinzi was in Butare and unable to travel due to security concerns. Dallaire then gave Tito Ndindiliyimana’s phone number and asked in case he wanted to know anything further.

Tito asked Ndindiliyimana, 'People are being killed by Interahamwe and the Presidential Guard. Some ministers are already dead, and we’re being shot at. Since we’ve heard you’re now leading the military council running the country, who has the power to stop the Presidential Guard from killing Tutsi?'

Col. Bagosora is said to have ignored desperate call from Tito Rutaremara to halt killings at the beginning on the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.

General Ndindiliyimana replied that the only person who could stop the GP was Col. Théoneste Bagosora and went ahead to share Tito two of Bagosora’s phone numbers.

Before ending the call, Tito asked Ndindiliyimana, 'Why didn’t you follow what the Arusha Accords outlined for such situations?' to which Ndindiliyimana responded by saying that it was urgent and a matter for politicians.

Bagosora was a powerful figure in the military, having held several senior roles. He was also from Gisenyi, the same region as President Habyarimana and many other top officials.

In January 1993, he had been part of the Rwandan delegation at the Arusha peace talks, where power-sharing agreements were being finalized.

When Bagosora finally answered Tito’s call he said, 'Let us see,' then immediately hung up. After about an hour, Tito called him back, but Bagosora didn’t pick up. Tito then tried the second number, and this time Bagosora answered again.

Tito remembers asking him why the GP are still killing people, et he had promised to intervene but nothing had changed. He recalled inquiring whether are supposed to just watch while people are murdered to which he responded that 'it’s a serious situation' before hanging up on him again.

By the morning of April 7, 1994, Habyarimana’s military had cut off all communication lines used by FPR-Inkotanyi leaders, preventing them from speaking with Rwandans in Kigali. They were left with only radio equipment as their means of communication.

From that night onward, Tutsi were systematically murdered across different parts of Kigali and in several other prefectures, as the genocide began in full view of the world.

Tito Rutaremara’s recalls desperate calls to Col. Bagosora stop the killings, in vain.

IGIHE

After the meeting, Habyarimana was returning with others, including Cyprien Ntaryamira, the President of Burundi, around 8:00 PM, when the plane approached Kigali for landing as usual.

Moments later, a missile struck one wing of the aircraft over Masaka airspace, followed by another hitting its tail. The plane caught fire and crashed in Habyarimana’s compound in Kanombe, near the military camp and the airport.

That compound, now located in Kamashashi Cell, Nyarugunga Sector, Kicukiro District, still bears remnants of the original gate and security outposts.

Jeanne d’Arc Mukazayire, a resident of Kibaya less than 10 minutes from Habyarimana’s house, told IGIHE that immediately after the crash, a sweep began targeting all Tutsi in Nyarugunga.

'It was 8:40 p.m. Wherever there was a Tutsi, they were immediately targeted. They knocked—if you opened the door, you were shot. Anyone claiming the killings happened on April 10 is lying; it all began that very night. Only those who had fled into the wild survived,' she recalls.

Mukazayire explained that soldiers from Habyarimana’s residence and from the Kanombe military camp carried out the killings in Nyarugunga that night. The next morning, April 7, 1994, Interahamwe militia continued the hunt, killing Tutsi survivors with machetes and clubs.

'They slaughtered people, even those hiding under bridges. On the second and third days, April 8, we fled to Masaka Church. They followed us. A young child, maybe 7 or 8 years old, held up a photo of Habyarimana and said, 'Isn’t this the one you killed?’ Then they hacked people like they were cutting down corn, with machetes and clubs labeled 'Mpongano y’Umwanzi’ (revenge on the enemy),'

Jeanne d’Arc Mukazayire, a resident of Kibaya less than 10 minutes from Habyarimana’s house, told IGIHE that immediately after the crash, a sweep began targeting all Tutsi in Nyarugunga.

Kanziga’s orders to kill

Genocide survivors say that after the plane was shot down, Habyarimana’s wife, Agathe Kanziga, ordered soldiers at the compound to kill all Tutsi in the surrounding area.

Kanziga wielded significant power in Habyarimana’s regime and is believed to have been deeply involved in planning the genocide against the Tutsi. Her influence was reinforced by her family connections, including her brother, Colonel Elie Sagatwa, a high-ranking officer, at the time.

Part of the crashed plane landed in the yard of Marie Chantal Niyonshuti’s family, whose house bordered Habyarimana’s.

Now living in Kanombe, Niyonshuti recounted Kanziga’s role, 'A soldier I was friends with confided in me that the Tutsi around Habyarimana’s home were killed on Kanziga’s orders immediately after the death of her husband.'

Josephine Musanabera, who lives in Mukoni village beneath the former presidential home, confirmed that Kanziga stood at the gates issuing kill orders.

'She told neighbors, those living near Niyonshuti, near Murasira and Murara that night that she didn’t want that 'filth.' The filth of Tutsi killed my husband.' Following Kanziga’s command, soldiers from the compound attacked their Tutsi neighbors with guns and acid, killing them with extreme cruelty.

Part of the crashed plane landed in the yard of Marie Chantal Niyonshuti’s family, whose house bordered Habyarimana’s.

Burning the bodies with acid

Before the genocide officially kicked off, local families were prohibited from visiting the presidential household, with a posted warning: 'Only residents allowed.' Niyonshuti confirmed that the soldiers who killed their neighbors were exclusively Habyarimana’s guards and staff.

'After the crash, it was Habyarimana’s soldiers and workers, not outsiders who dragged people out, shouting 'come out, come out!’ and immediately shot them. Then they took the bodies away,' she remembers. She said the corpses were taken to Kanombe military camp and incinerated with acid.

'Before daybreak, they removed them so that when investigators came to examine the wreckage, no Tutsi bodies would be found. They were taken to the military camp and burned. No one waited for dawn. Anyone who survived probably escaped under a pile of bodies or by sheer miracle.'

Rebuilding lives after survival

After the Genocide against the Tutsi was stopped in 1994, Mukazayire returned to her destroyed home. She was later provided housing by FARG, the government fund for genocide survivors, in Kinyinya sector, Gasabo district.

'We’re living well now. We sleep peacefully. We get treatment when sick, FARG pays for it. We’ve moved on from those dark days. We live in a village now and have no problems. I have a place to lay my head and live like anyone else.'

Josephine Musanabera, another survivor, often suffered severe trauma from her past.

Niyonshuti said the government supported her through university, and she now has hope for the future. She’s proud that Rwanda has eliminated ethnic discrimination and continues to progress in all sectors.

To preserve her family’s legacy and contribute to development, she opened a bar called Akagoroba on their old land near Habyarimana’s former residence. It’s now a popular community hangout in Nyarugunga.

Josephine Musanabera, another survivor, who often suffered severe trauma from her past, said messages of hope from leaders, especially President Paul Kagame, who restored her will to live.

'We’re focused on surviving and thriving now. We’ve rolled up our sleeves and rebuilt. We want to leave a better country for our children. And we are so grateful to our government. It stands by us, and our children are in school.'

The Genocide against the Tutsi claimed over a million lives in just 100 days, making it the fastest genocide in recorded history.

after the plane was shot down, Habyarimana’s wife, Agathe Kanziga, ordered soldiers at the compound to kill all Tutsi in the surrounding area.

IGIHE