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The comfort zone is more than just a place of security; it is a psychological state where routine and predictability reign. While it offers a sense of stability, it can also become a barrier to taking risks, exploring new possibilities, and reaching one’s full potential.

Dependence on the comfort zone often manifests in subtle patterns that can hold individuals back. Identifying these behaviors is the first step toward breaking free and pursuing meaningful growth.

While routines help structure daily life, an overly rigid schedule can stifle creativity and limit experiences. When every day unfolds in an identical manner, it may indicate a reluctance to step into the unknown.

Signs of being trapped in a routine include difficulty adapting to change, discomfort with unpredictability, and a gradual decline in problem-solving abilities.

One of the biggest barriers to growth is an aversion to risk. Many people avoid stepping outside their comfort zones due to fear of failure, judgment, or discomfort.

This hesitance can lead to excessive over planning, missed opportunities, and an unwillingness to embrace challenges that could lead to personal or professional advancement.

Yet, true progress often requires stepping into uncertainty and trusting the process of learning through experience. In reality, overcoming obstacles fosters resilience and paves the way for greater satisfaction.

Many equate staying in their comfort zone with peace and fulfillment, but real growth often comes from facing challenges. The belief that avoiding difficulties leads to a content life can be misleading.

More to this, comfort zone dependency can suppress creativity and hinder innovation. When individuals become too accustomed to the status quo, they resist adopting new ideas or approaches.

This is especially evident in workplaces where employees hesitate to embrace evolving technologies or strategies, limiting both personal and organizational progress. The fear of making mistakes often holds back breakthroughs that could lead to significant achievements.

Another consequence of remaining in the comfort zone is the underutilization of talent and skills. Those who avoid new challenges may find themselves stuck in career stagnation, leading to dissatisfaction and a lack of fulfillment. Without taking initiative to grow, opportunities for career advancement remain limited.

When individuals prioritize comfort over progress, personal and professional goals often take a backseat. The safety of routine can lead to procrastination, with aspirations left unfulfilled. A deep attachment to familiarity may prevent people from taking necessary steps toward success.

Ironically, those who stay in their comfort zones often struggle with impatience when they do attempt growth. Expecting instant results, they become frustrated with the gradual nature of development.

This mindset can make it difficult to embrace the process and appreciate the small victories along the way.
Stepping out of one’s comfort zone is a conscious choice that requires effort and persistence. It involves embracing uncertainty, taking small but deliberate risks, and being open to challenges.

A strategic approach to breaking free includes setting incremental challenges, building resilience through exposure to discomfort, surrounding oneself with a supportive network, and celebrating progress, no matter how small.

Shifting one’s mindset is key to overcoming the limitations of the comfort zone. A growth mindset fosters the belief that challenges present learning opportunities rather than obstacles. By viewing discomfort as a necessary part of development, individuals can push past their fears and unlock their full potential.

Recognizing the restrictive nature of the comfort zone and taking proactive steps to move beyond it can lead to a life filled with growth, fulfillment, and success.

The path to personal and professional advancement begins with the willingness to embrace the unknown and challenge oneself to evolve.

Comfort zone dependency can suppress creativity and hinder innovation.

Sam K Nkurunziza

The training, which lasted four and a half months, was designed to equip participants with the necessary skills to serve as professional company commanders, platoon commanders, company sergeant majors, and platoon sergeants.

RDF Chief of Defence Staff, General MK Mubarakh presided over the graduation ceremony on Saturday, February 8. He lauded the trainees for their dedication, discipline, and sacrifice, which enabled them to reach this significant milestone.

At the same time, General Mubarakh stressed the importance of continuous military training in ensuring operational effectiveness and readiness to address evolving security challenges.

'It is the norm in any military that, to operate effectively, officers and NCOs must undertake rigorous training continuously. Military training prepares individuals to effectively perform physically and mentally demanding tasks at the highest possible levels of proficiency. Training pays off with significant achievements in theatre and routine force duties. This is in line with leadership guidance as constantly stressed by the Commander-in-Chief of the RDF,' said General Mubarakh.

He urged the graduates to apply the knowledge and skills gained from the training in their respective roles while upholding discipline as a core value of the RDF.

The comprehensive program focused on enhancing military skills, tactical planning, leadership, and administrative management, reinforcing RDF’s commitment to professionalism and preparedness for present and future security challenges.

The completion of this training marks another step in the RDF’s mission to strengthen the capabilities of Rwanda’s security forces, ensuring they remain well-equipped to maintain national and regional stability.

RDF Chief of Defence Staff, General MK Mubarakh presided over the graduation ceremony on Saturday, February 8.

The graduates included senior and junior officers, as well as other ranks, from the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF), Rwanda National Police (RNP), and Rwanda Correctional Service (RCS).

The comprehensive program focused on enhancing military skills, tactical planning, leadership, and administrative management, reinforcing RDF’s commitment to professionalism and preparedness for present and future security challenges.

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The decision, which Trump announced in an exclusive interview with the New York Post, is part of his broader crackdown on his most vocal opponents.

Among those affected are Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg, New York Attorney General Letitia James, former National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan, Biden’s Deputy Attorney General Lisa Monaco, and attorneys Andrew Weissmann, Mark Zaid, and Norm Eisen.

The move follows Trump’s decision to revoke President Joe Biden’s security clearance and access to daily intelligence briefings just a day earlier.

Revoking these clearances means the individuals may be unable to enter key federal buildings, including courthouses, prisons, and law enforcement facilities. This could impede their ability to carry out official duties, particularly for those involved in ongoing legal cases against Trump.

Trump has made no secret of his animosity toward the targeted individuals. In reference to Blinken, he told the New York Post, “Bad guy. Take away his passes.”

Blinken played a key role in the infamous “Dirty 51” letter, which dismissed the contents of Hunter Biden’s laptop as Russian disinformation ahead of the 2020 election.

James and Bragg have both been instrumental in legal actions against Trump. James pursued a civil fraud case that resulted in Trump being ordered to pay over $450 million, while Bragg oversaw the “hush money” case involving Stormy Daniels. Trump has vowed to ensure both are treated “exactly the same” as Biden in terms of clearance restrictions.

The revocation also affects key figures involved in Trump’s past legal troubles. Sullivan, who was Hillary Clinton’s chief foreign policy adviser in 2016, is among those targeted. Monaco, who oversaw the Department of Justice’s response to the January 6 insurrection, has also been affected.

Weissmann, known for his role as lead prosecutor in Robert Mueller’s investigation into Trump’s alleged ties to Russian election interference, is another high-profile individual impacted.

Meanwhile, attorneys Zaid and Eisen, who were involved in Trump’s 2019 impeachment, have also had their security clearances revoked.

Trump’s decision is seen as retaliation for Biden’s 2021 move to block him from accessing intelligence briefings, a courtesy typically extended to former presidents. At the time, Biden cited Trump’s ‘erratic behaviour’ and concerns about his handling of classified information.

Former U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and several prominent Democrats are facing significant restrictions after former President Donald Trump revoked their security clearances.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

Nujoma rose to head the lightly populated southern African country on March 21 1990 and was formally recognized as 'Founding Father of the Namibian Nation' through a 2005 act of parliament.

He was a longtime ally of Zimbabwean strongman Robert Mugabe, backing Mugabe’s land seizures from white farmers, though at home Nujoma stuck to a 'willing buyer, willing seller' policy.

'The foundations of the Republic of Namibia have been shaken. Our venerable leader, Dr. Nujoma did not only blaze the trail to freedom, but he also inspired us to rise to our feet and to become masters of this vast land of our ancestors,' the presidency posted on X.

The presidency said Nujoma had been hospitalized for medical treatment over the past three weeks, adding: 'Unfortunately, this time, the most gallant son of our land could not recover from his illness.'

Nujoma served his three terms as president from 1990 to 2005 and sought to project himself as a unifying leader bridging political divides. In a country scarred by the legacy of apartheid and German colonial rule, Nujoma’s SWAPO party oversaw a national reconciliation programme under the motto 'One Namibia, One Nation'.

In his speeches, Nujoma made a point of repeating the phrase: 'A united people, striving to achieve a common good for all members of the society, will always emerge victorious.' His achievements included establishing democratic institutions and prioritizing reconciliation.

Nujoma was born in a village in northwestern Namibia in 1929, when his country was under South African administration. SA had controlled Namibia since World War 1 after a brutal few decades of German colonial rule remembered for the genocide of the Herero and Nama people.

As a boy he looked after his family’s cattle and attended a Finnish mission school, before moving to the coastal town of Walvis Bay and then the capital Windhoek, where he worked for South African Railways, according to a biography posted on the website of Nujoma’s charitable foundation.

Nujoma left his job on the railways to focus his energies on bringing down the apartheid system. In the late 1950s he became leader of the Owambo People’s Organisation, a precursor to liberation movement SWAPO, organizing resistance to the forced relocation of Black people in Windhoek that culminated in the police killing 12 unarmed people and wounding dozens more.

Nujoma was charged with organizing the resistance and arrested. In 1960, he went into exile. He travelled across Africa before reaching the US, where he petitioned the United Nations for Namibia’s independence.
Made SWAPO leader in absentia, Nujoma established its armed wing and in 1966 launched a guerrilla war against the apartheid government.

It took more than a decade of pressure from Nujoma and others before a UN Security Council resolution in 1978 proposed a ceasefire and elections, and another decade for the ceasefire deal to be signed and elections held in late 1989.

SWAPO won a majority in those elections, and Nujoma took office in March the following year.

Namibia’s founding father Sam Nujoma led the country’s independence from South Africa.

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In the latest adjustments, the maximum retail price for gasoline (Premium Motor Spirit) has increased by Frw 59 to retail at Frw 1,633 per litre, up from Frw 1,574. Diesel (Automotive Gas Oil) has risen by Frw 71 to a maximum retail price of Frw 1,647 per litre, up from Frw 1,576.

The new maximum retail prices take effect from 6:00 AM on February 9, 2025, and will remain in place for the next two months.

“These adjustments are primarily based on recent fluctuations in international petroleum product prices,” Evariste Rugigana, the Director General of RURA, explained in a statement released on Saturday night.

The revision comes at a time when many economies worldwide are grappling with volatile fuel prices, influenced by global supply and demand dynamics. The ongoing conflict in Ukraine has particularly affected energy supplies from Russia, a major exporter, since the war broke out in February 2022.

In the latest adjustments, the maximum retail price for gasoline (Premium Motor Spirit) has increased by Frw 59 to retail at Frw 1,633 per litre, up from Frw 1,574. Diesel (Automotive Gas Oil) has risen by Frw 71 to a maximum retail price of Frw 1,647 per litre, up from Frw 1,576.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

Speaking at the EAC-SADC joint summit held in Tanzania on Feb 8, 2025, Kagame stressed the need for a lasting solution, pointing out that Rwanda’s concerns have been dismissed.

'We can’t go on forever massaging problems. What is happening there is an ethnic war that has been brewing for a long time, denying people’s rights and then attacking Rwanda,' Kagame stated.

He made it clear that Rwanda cannot be expected to remain silent while facing security threats emanating from DRC.

Kagame criticized the approach taken by DRC’s leadership, stating that despite numerous engagements, Kigali’s concerns have not been addressed.

'We have been begging DRC and its leaders for a long time, we have shared our issues and asked DRC to address them, and they have refused,' he said.

Kagame argued that the crisis is not of Rwanda’s making but has instead been imposed on the country, with DRC shifting responsibility.

The joint EAC-SADC summit, that was preceded by a ministerial meeting, sought to assess the deteriorating security situation in eastern DRC.

'This war was started by DRC and not anything from Rwanda. It was just brought and put on our shoulders and we were told to own it. We can’t own it. There is no question about it,' he said.

Kagame urged the participants to take the matter seriously and ensure that the meeting leads to actionable solutions rather than becoming another in a series of unproductive discussions.

The summit follows recent escalations, including the capture of Goma by the M23 rebel group. M23 resumed fighting in 2021, citing the protection of Rwandophones and Congolese Tutsi communities.

President Tshisekedi, despite earlier confirmations, did not travel to Tanzania and instead attended the summit virtually.

Tshisekedi has repeatedly been urged to engage in dialogue through various processes but has remained reluctant to negotiate with M23, despite his army suffering continuous setbacks.

The Congolese government has also accused Rwanda of backing the rebels, an allegation Kigali strongly denies.

Instead, Rwanda has accused the DRC of working with the FDLR, a militia composed of individuals responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.

Reports suggest indicate that Burundian and SADC forces have joined the coalition supporting the Congolese army, even as Kinshasa has issued threats to invade Rwanda.

The summit also comes at a time when SADC countries, particularly South Africa, are facing scrutiny over their controversial involvement in the DRC conflict, with their troops suffering casualties during offensives against M23.

The EAC-SADC Joint Summit, called for a peaceful resolution to the DRC conflict and directed the merger of the Luanda and Nairobi processes.

To strengthen the merged process, the summit emphasized appointing additional facilitators from across Africa. It also urged the resumption of direct negotiations with all state and non-state actors, including M23, under this framework.

Additionally, the summit called for the implementation of the Concept of Operations (CONOPS) of the harmonized plan for neutralization of FDLR as agreed in the Luanda process.

The meeting was co-chaired by Kenyan President Wlliam Ruto who doubles as the Chairperson of EAC and Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa, President of the Republic of Zimbabwe and current Chairperson of the Southern African Development Community (SADC).

President Paul Kagame has called for a decisive approach to resolving the ongoing security crisis in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo.

The EAC-SADC joint summit took place in Tanzania on Feb 8, 2025. it was preceded by a ministerial meeting held on Friday, February 6.

Théophile Niyitegeka

The summit, held on February 8, 2025, focused on the deteriorating security situation in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), where clashes between a coalition fighting alongside the Congolese army and the M23 rebel group continue.

Footage from the Tanzanian President’s office showed Faki attending the summit’s official opening alongside heads of state and representatives from various organizations.

He had been invited by Kenya’s President and EAC Chairperson, Dr. William Samoei Ruto, representing a key bloc in the discussions.

However, before the summit moved into a closed session, the Master of Ceremonies (M.C.) requested Faki to leave.

A diplomat attending the summit told Kenyan Foreign Policy that Faki complied but raised concerns about who had instructed the M.C. to make the request.

Jevin Pillay Ponisamy, SADC’s Ambassador to the AU, said it is customary for invited guests to leave once the closed-door discussions begin.

Although this protocol was cited, Faki’s exclusion created unease among some participants, leading organizers to invite him back.
According to the diplomat, Faki initially refused to return.

The DRC government recently expressed disagreement with Faki regarding his views on security in the country’s eastern region, after he suggested engaging in dialogue with a “political group with a military wing.”

Moussa Faki Mahamat, Chairperson of the African Union (AU) Commission, has been asked to leave a closed-door session of the extraordinary summit of East African Community (EAC) and Southern African Development Community (SADC) leaders in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.

IGIHE

Museveni is among the heads of state who attended the joint East African Community (EAC) and Southern African Development Community (SADC) summit on the eastern Congo crisis in Tanzania.

Rwandan President Paul Kagame and other EAC and SADC leaders were also present. However, President Tshisekedi, despite earlier confirmations, did not travel to Tanzania and instead attended the summit virtually.

Upon his arrival in Tanzania, Museveni reiterated his stance on resolving the conflict.

'My earlier proposal for this summit was that H.E. Tshisekedi should speak directly to those who are in conflict with him, as this impacts all of us,' he shared on X, adding that no other forum is better suited to address the issue than the summit itself.

The summit follows recent escalations, including the capture of Goma by the M23 rebel group. M23 resumed fighting in 2021, citing the protection of Rwandophones and Congolese Tutsi communities.

Tshisekedi has repeatedly been urged to engage in dialogue through various processes but has remained reluctant to negotiate with M23, despite his army suffering continuous setbacks.

The Congolese government has also accused Rwanda of backing the rebels—an allegation Kigali strongly denies.

Instead, Rwanda has accused the DRC of working with the FDLR, a militia composed of individuals responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.

Burundian and SADC forces have joined the coalition supporting the Congolese army, even as Kinshasa has issued threats to invade Rwanda.

The summit also comes at a time when SADC countries, particularly South Africa, are facing scrutiny over their controversial involvement in the DRC conflict, with their troops suffering casualties during offensives against M23.

IGIHE

The summit seeks solutions to the ongoing conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) between the country’s armed forces and the M23 rebel group.

Other heads of state in attendance include Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu Hassan, Kenyan President and EAC Chairperson Dr. William Ruto, Zimbabwean President and SADC Chairperson Emmerson Mnangagwa, Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, Zambian President Hakainde Hichilema, and Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud.

South African President Cyril Ramaphosa is expected to arrive later, while Burundi’s President Evariste Ndayishimiye is represented by Prime Minister Gervais Ndirakobuca.

DRC President Félix Tshisekedi is participating virtually.

The decision to convene this summit follows M23’s recent capture of Goma, the capital of North Kivu province, as a reminder to the DRC government of their call for negotiations to secure lasting peace.

Ahead of the summit, both EAC and SADC expressed support for inclusive political dialogue with M23 as key to a sustainable resolution to the conflict.

IGIHE

New testimonies from former FDLR fighters and Wazalendo militants indicate that SADC forces are actively supporting these armed groups, supplying them with equipment and reinforcing President Tshisekedi’s broader agenda of destabilizing Rwanda’s leadership.

These accounts come from ex-FDLR fighters who surrendered to Rwanda after suffering repeated defeats in eastern DRC. Realizing they had no future in the conflict, they chose to flee and share their experiences.

The FDLR’s specialized military unit, known as Commando de Recherche et d’Action en Profondeur (CRAP), has been particularly active in these battles, receiving significant backing from the Kinshasa government.

Recently, First Lady Denise Nyakeru Tshisekedi was seen visiting wounded CRAP fighters in the hospital, further confirming the government’s ties to the group terrorist group formed by remnant perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.

The young man in front is called Manirahari Sebuyange. He was part of the FDLR special force unit.

Those who surrendered revealed that SADC forces provided them with weapons and played a crucial role in launching heavy artillery attacks against M23.

Manirahari Sebuyange, one of the former fighters, recounted participating in over fifteen major battles alongside Nyatura, Wazalendo, FARDC, Burundian forces, and SADC. He described how SADC airstrikes directly supported ground offensives against M23.

'In the battle at Kalenga, we fought alongside Burundian forces, FARDC, and Wazalendo. During another engagement in Gicwa, we were supported by FARDC’s unit called Hiboux, and SADC, which launched artillery strikes. The FARDC was present, but it was the SADC forces that supplied us with weapons, ammunition, and food,' he revealed.

SADC officially joined the conflict in December 2023 after President Tshisekedi expelled the East African Community (EAC) forces, accusing them of failing to defeat M23.

He then invited SADC troops, with South African forces leading combat operations.However, these troops are now facing mounting challenges and increasing scrutiny. Burundian forces, which share Tshisekedi’s political objectives, also form part of this alliance.

Bizimana Jean Paul, standing in front, was part of Wazalendo. He revealed that they, along with FDLR, SADC forces, Burundian forces, FARDC, and other groups, were all fighting against M23.

Jean Paul Bizimana, another former fighter, explained how SADC’s role was primarily to fire artillery at M23 positions while ground forces advanced. He recalled the battle in Sake, where over 2,000 fighters, including FARDC and Wazalendo militants, launched a coordinated attack.

Beyond battlefield operations, former fighters also detailed the internal workings of FDLR, particularly its elite CRAP unit.

This unit comprises five companies: Bombardier, led by Noheli; MIG 35, under Tuyizere Aimable; a third company commanded by Mfitumukiza Benjamin; Boeing, led by Remy; and Apache and Drone, responsible for military operations.

Each company plays a distinct role, with Boeing specifically tasked with protecting senior commanders.

One ex-fighter described the recruitment process, stating that FDLR consists of a mix of young boys, strong men, and elderly individuals.

Recruits undergo military training and are indoctrinated with anti-Rwandan propaganda.
'We were taught to hate Rwanda and its leaders, especially the Tutsis. Anyone who tried to escape was executed,' he admitted.

This threat was not an empty one. Many who attempted to flee were killed, and those suspected of disloyalty were swiftly punished.

One former fighter even admitted to receiving orders to execute comrades suspected of being Rwandan spies.

The fighters who defected from FDLR and surrendered to Rwanda revealed that the SADC forces supplied them with ammunition and food.

These former combatants also recounted their encounters with senior FDLR leaders, including Colonel Ruhinda Gaby, the former commander of its special forces, whose real name was Protogène Ruvugayimikore.

Ruhinda was killed in December 2023 during a battle against M23. Manirahari, who once served as his escort, described his duties, which ranged from washing the commander’s clothes to carrying his bags and cooking for him.

After Ruhinda’s death, the group experienced significant changes. 'We were told to store our weapons and taken to a camp. Soon after, an explosion occurred, and a vehicle sped away. Hours later, they informed us that Ruhinda had been killed by grenade explosions,' Manirahari recounted.

His death led to the appointment of a new commander, Guillaume, under whom Manirahari was reassigned to the MIG 35 company.

Realizing the futility of their fight, many FDLR members eventually decided to surrender. They were particularly influenced by radio broadcasts and testimonies from former combatants who had safely returned to Rwanda.

Turatsinze Eric, one of the returnees, admitted that escaping was incredibly dangerous. 'If they had discovered my plans, I would have been killed,' he said.

However, he managed to reach Goma, which was under M23 control at the time, making his surrender easier.

'Once in Goma, I contacted someone who helped me reach Rwandan authorities. The police received me well, and when I crossed into Rwanda, I had no further issues,' he explained.

The person in front is Turatsinze Eric. He was also a member of the FDLR/CRAP commando unit.

All of these former fighters confirmed that the propaganda they had been fed about Rwanda, claims that they would be executed upon arrival, was entirely false.

Now, they urge their former comrades to lay down their arms, emphasizing that continuing to fight only serves the interests of leaders who exploit them.

'Rwanda is peaceful. I was afraid too, but I overcame my fear, and I have had no problems since arriving. We spent years running, but we achieved nothing. They should return home,' Manirahari emphasized.

These revelations about the collaboration between FDLR and SADC forces emerge at a time when pressure is mounting for the withdrawal of SADC troops from DRC, particularly the South African contingent.

Allegations have surfaced that their mission may be serving personal interests, particularly those of South African President Cyril Ramaphosa.

In response, Malawi has already announced plans to withdraw its troops, signaling a shift in regional dynamics and further casting doubt on the true objectives of the SADC deployment in eastern DRC.

FDLR fighters who escaped and surrendered to Rwanda revealed that they were told to attack Rwanda and were trained to kill Tutsis.

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