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In its latest directive, the Ministry of Economy declared that all national and foreign nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) employing women would face closure if they failed to comply with the ban.

The directive, shared on social media platform X, warned that noncompliance would lead to the cancellation of an NGO’s operating license. This follows a prior 2021 suspension of Afghan women’s employment in NGOs, citing non-adherence to the Taliban’s interpretation of Islamic dress codes.

The Taliban’s Ministry of Economy, responsible for supervising national and foreign organizations, reaffirmed its stance, stating that women’s work in institutions not under Taliban control must cease.

The ministry warned, 'In case of lack of cooperation, all activities of that institution will be cancelled.'

Since regaining power in August 2021, the Taliban has implemented measures that significantly restrict women’s presence in public life. Girls and women have been barred from post-primary education, public parks, and most forms of employment. The UN has described these actions as 'gender apartheid.'

The new restrictions extend beyond employment. Taliban leader Haibatullah Akhunzada recently issued a decree banning windows in residential buildings that overlook areas where women may sit or work.

The order applies to new and existing structures, requiring property owners to obscure such views using walls, fences, or screens.

A statement from government spokesperson Zabihullah Mujahid justified the policy, claiming it would 'remove harm' and prevent 'obscene acts.'

Municipal authorities are tasked with ensuring compliance during construction and renovations.

The Taliban has also prohibited women from singing or reciting poetry in public, with some local broadcasters halting the airing of female voices.

Despite these measures, the Taliban claims to have issued thousands of work permits to women and denies obstructing humanitarian operations.

However, the United Nations has reported increasing restrictions on female aid workers, hindering critical relief efforts. The Taliban insists these actions are in line with Islamic law and necessary to maintain public safety and social norms.

The international community has condemned the Taliban’s policies, with many urging the group to reverse its decisions to allow Afghan women greater participation in society.

Since regaining power in August 2021, the Taliban has implemented measures that significantly restrict women’s presence in public life.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

The partnerships, spanning sectors such as agriculture, climate change, trade, technology, and education, have reinforced Rwanda’s commitment to fostering sustainable development and mutual growth.

While the year witnessed several agreements, this article highlights some of the most impactful ones, underscoring Rwanda’s role as a key player on the global stage.

The year began on a momentous note with the Kingdom of Jordan. On January 7, 2024, Rwanda and Jordan solidified their partnership across various sectors, including agriculture, trade, health, and medical science.

The ceremony, attended by President Paul Kagame and King Abdullah II Ibn Al-Hussein, marked a significant step toward deepening bilateral relations.

The agreements also included a pact to eliminate double taxation, a move aimed at enhancing trade and investment between the two nations.

This collaboration builds upon existing ties and promises to invigorate tourism and agricultural ventures, setting a strong tone for the year ahead.

Later that month, Rwanda turned its focus to global environmental stewardship. On January 21, a key agreement on climate change was signed with Denmark at the picturesque Nyandungu Eco Park.

Nyandungu Urban Wetland Eco-Tourism Park.

Representing a shared commitment to environmental preservation, this partnership drew on Rwanda’s reputation as a leader in sustainability and Denmark’s expertise in eco-friendly innovation.

Together, the two nations pledged to address climate challenges, advancing Rwanda’s green agenda while strengthening Denmark’s environmental outreach.

In a show of enduring friendship, Rwanda and Belgium inked a bilateral cooperation agreement valued at approximately Rwf131 billion on January 30.

This agreement, covering 2024—2029, strategically channels resources into agriculture, urbanization, health, and public finance management.

As February unfolded, Rwanda joined hands with the European Union to promote sustainable mining practices. The partnership aims to improve mineral supply chains, enhance value addition, and combat illegal mineral trading.

With a focus on eco-friendly mining and technological innovation, this agreement represents a pivotal step toward advancing Rwanda’s mining sector while aligning with global sustainability goals.

The first quarter of the year also witnessed strengthened ties with China. On March 28, Musanze District in Rwanda’s Northern Province entered a Sister Cities Agreement with Jinhua, marking a historic first in Rwanda-China relations.

This partnership was complemented by a five-year educational exchange program between Jinhua Polytechnic and IPRC Musanze.

The initiative, which enables Rwandan students to study both at home and in China, reflects a decade-long relationship rooted in mutual capacity building and knowledge exchange.

The second quarter brought an ambitious collaboration with Mali. From May 25 to 27, the first Joint Permanent Commission meeting between the two countries culminated in 19 agreements across diverse sectors such as health, security, agriculture, and technology.

The first Joint Permanent Commission meeting between the two countries culminated in 19 agreements across diverse sectors such as health, security, agriculture, and technology.

The accords, rooted in shared values of inclusive development, reflect a growing partnership that has steadily evolved since Mali established its embassy in Kigali in 2017.

June saw a renewed focus on innovation with the Kigali Innovation City project. Rwanda and Africa50 signed an agreement to accelerate the implementation of this transformative initiative, which aims to position Kigali as a hub for technological advancement and entrepreneurship.

With 61 hectares of land designated for development, this partnership seeks to attract global investors, fostering a vibrant ecosystem for innovation in Africa.

The momentum continued into August when Rwanda and Egypt signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on transport cooperation.

Held during a bilateral meeting between Rwanda’s Foreign Minister Olivier Nduhungirehe and Egyptian counterpart, Badr Abdelatty, this agreement laid the groundwork for enhanced infrastructure development and connectivity.

The MoU was signed during a bilateral meeting between Rwanda’s Foreign Minister Olivier Nduhungirehe and Egyptian counterpart, Badr Abdelatty

A key moment for Rwanda-Egypt relations came on August 12, 2024, when the two nations finalized a deal concerning the supply of medical equipment and devices for the Rwanda-Egypt Heart Centre.

Also known as the Magdi Yacoub Rwanda-Egypt Heart Care Centre, this facility, under construction in Masaka, Kicukiro District, will play a crucial role in the treatment of heart-related diseases.

The first phase of the facility is expected to become operational in early 2026, a landmark achievement that stems from a Memorandum of Understanding signed in November 2021.

This collaboration highlights the ongoing medical and technological exchange between Rwanda and Egypt and underscores Rwanda’s commitment to improving healthcare for its citizens.

In September, diplomatic relations took centre stage as Rwanda and The Bahamas signed an MoU for mutual visa requirements exemption.

Formalized on the sidelines of the 79th United Nations General Assembly in New York, this agreement symbolized a significant step toward fostering ease of movement and stronger bilateral ties between the two nations.

Rwanda’s commitment to climate change mitigation was further solidified with Sweden in an MoU signed later that month.

Through a partnership aligned with Article 6 of the Paris Agreement, Rwanda and Sweden pledged to trade carbon credits and support each other’s Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs).

This initiative showcased Rwanda’s proactive stance on global climate issues while benefiting from Sweden’s expertise in sustainable energy solutions.

The final months of the year were marked by notable agreements with Nigeria, Russia, and Poland.

In early November, Rwanda’s Private Sector Federation and Nigeria’s Lagos Chamber of Commerce and Industry signed an MoU to boost trade and investment.

The agreement between Rwanda and Nigeria private sector groups was formalized at the 2024 Lagos International Trade Fair.

The collaboration promises to streamline procedures, reduce trade barriers, and explore opportunities in sectors ranging from agriculture to creative industries.

Days later, an agreement with Russia removed visa requirements for diplomatic and service passport holders, reflecting long-standing ties in education, military training, and cultural exchange.

On November 13, Rwanda signed an Air Service Agreement with Poland, heralding the prospect of direct flights between the two countries.

Represented by Ambassador Prof. Anastase Shyaka and Poland’s Secretary of State Lasek Maciej, the deal promises to enhance economic and cultural exchanges, connecting Rwanda to Europe in unprecedented ways.

The agreements, building on those signed in previous years, highlight Rwanda’s strong commitment to driving national growth and strengthening its global partnerships.

IGIHE

In a statement on Sunday, December 29, 2024, the Minister called out the Congolese army over “incompetence” both on the battlefield and in spreading what he described as “mediocre fake news.”

Nduhungirehe’s remarks came after the Congolese army paraded a man, identified as Hakizimana Iradukunda Jean de Dieu, as an RDF soldier allegedly captured in North Kivu during operations on December 21.

“FARDC presents us with a so-called soldier of the RDF who does not know his unit or his commander, and who cannot provide his registration number within the Rwandan army,” Nduhungirehe stated.

He further highlighted inconsistencies in the man’s testimony, particularly his claimed origins from administrative subdivisions—such as “Murenge” and “Kazabi”—which he said exist in the DRC but not in Rwanda.

The Minister noted that Rwanda’s administrative divisions include districts, sectors, cells, and villages, none of which align with the alleged origins of the supposed RDF soldier.

Nduhungirehe also pointed out FARDC’s history of similar allegations. He recalled a February incident when the Congolese army introduced “Ndayambaje Abouba” as an RDF soldier. However, the same individual had previously been presented by FARDC in civilian clothing under suspicious circumstances.

'Clearly, FARDC, failing to be a war machine on the ground, have become a #FakeNews manufacturing plant!' the Minister declared.

RDF Dismisses Allegations

The Minister’s remarks come two days after RDF also dismissed the claims as fake news.

In a video shared by FARDC, the alleged soldier claimed he was born in Ngororero District and had been stationed in the DRC for over a year. The man also alleged the deployment of four RDF divisions to eastern DRC.

Rwanda has consistently denied involvement in the conflict in eastern DRC, where the M23 rebel group has been fighting the Congolese army and allied forces.

Kigali has repeatedly accused FARDC of harbouring and supporting the FDLR, a militia composed of remnants of the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.

The Rwandan government asserts that the Congolese leadership’s persistent accusations are attempts to divert attention from internal challenges and failures to address the concerns of their citizens in eastern DRC.

This has resulted in strained diplomatic ties between Rwanda and the DRC, withefforts to resolve the stalemate continuing to encounter obstacles.

Rwanda’s Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation Minister Olivier Nduhungirehe has dismissed recent claims by the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC) about capturing a Rwandan Defence Force (RDF) soldier, terming them as a baseless attempt to spread disinformation.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

In the World Justice Project (WJP) Rule of Law Index 2024, Rwanda scored 0.63 points in the overall rule of law ranking, leading the region in key areas such as order and security, absence of corruption, and civil justice. The top score is 1.00, indicating stronger performance.

The index, which assesses the rule of law in countries across the globe, evaluates performance based on eight factors: constraints on government powers, absence of corruption, open government, fundamental rights, order and security, regulatory enforcement, civil justice, and criminal justice.

Rwanda ranked first in order and security with a score of 0.85, outperforming Mauritius and Namibia, which scored 0.75 each. Guinea, Ghana, Madagascar, and Botswana followed at 0.71, with Tanzania, Senegal (0.70 each), and The Gambia (0.69) rounding out the top ten.

The country’s ranking in this category reflects its stable and secure environment, which has been crucial for promoting economic growth and social well-being.

The success is also a direct result of Rwanda’s strategic security partnerships with other nations.

For example, in December 2024, Rwanda’s National Police signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the Ethiopian Federal Police to enhance cooperation on matters of public security and to counter cross-border threats.

Similarly, Rwanda has forged multiple agreements over the years, including with Qatar (October 2024), Dubai Police (March 2024), and Botswana (January 2024), addressing issues such as terrorism, human trafficking, cybercrime, and organized crime.

Corruption Rates

Rwanda also ranked first in Sub-Saharan Africa for the absence of corruption, with a score of 0.68. The performance demonstrates the Rwandan government’s strong anti-corruption frameworks and commitment to transparency.

Other countries in the top five include Mauritius (0.58), Botswana (0.57), Senegal (0.55) and Namibia (0.52).

In the civil justice category, Rwanda ranked first with a score of 0.66, ahead of Mauritius, which scored 0.62.

In addition to its solid performance in civil justice, Rwanda has also made significant strides in criminal justice, ranking second in the region with a score of 0.56. The performance reflects the country’s commitment to a fair and effective judicial system, providing equitable access to justice for its citizens while tackling criminal activities through well-coordinated law enforcement.

Rwanda was also ranked among the top countries in several other categories, including constraints on government powers, open government, fundamental rights, and regulatory environment, all contributing to its top score of 0.68 in the rule of law.

In the World Justice Project (WJP) Rule of Law Index 2024, Rwanda scored 0.63 points in the overall rule of law ranking, leading the region in key areas such as order and security, absence of corruption, and civil justice.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

During his election campaign two years ago, Ruto criticized the previous administration of President Uhuru Kenyatta for alleged abductions and extrajudicial killings, vowing to end such practices. However, recent events have raised concerns about the fulfilment of the pledge.

Since the Gen-Z-led protests in June, which forced the government to shelve plans to introduce additional taxes, dozens of young people have been reported missing, with human rights groups accusing the police of being behind their disappearances. The police continue to deny these claims.

In the latest wave of abductions, some of which have been captured on camera by witnesses and surveillance footage, at least three young people were recently abducted after sharing AI-generated images of Ruto in a casket that some considered offensive.

Among those abducted is popular cartoonist Kibet Bull, whose real name is Gideon Kibet. His images of the president went viral.

Kibet disappeared after meeting opposition senator Okiya Omtatah on Christmas Eve.

Kibet’s younger brother, Ronny Kiplangat, who has also been missing for several days, is believed by their family to have been used as bait by security forces to lure Kibet.

'(Kibet) boarded a matatu after my driver dropped him off in the city centre. As they have done with others, they must have blocked the matatu and snatched him from it,' said Omtatah, who harbours presidential ambitions for the 2027 elections.

'If you look at the attitude of the police, they know what is happening. The state is simply allowing it or acquiescing to it.”

Like many young Kenyans, Kibet was once an ardent supporter of President Ruto but has, in recent years, become a critic of the government, accusing it of corruption, failing to address unemployment, and not fulfilling its promises to turn around the economy.

Both the National Police Service and the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI) have denied abducting or arresting the trio. However, former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua, who was impeached in October for allegedly sabotaging President Ruto’s administration, insists the government is behind the abductions.

Addressing the press in Nairobi on Friday, Gachagua claimed that the abductions were being carried out by a secret unit, not under the command of the Inspector General of Police.

According to Gachagua, the unit, with officers drawn from various departments, operates from a building in Nairobi’s Central Business District.

'There’s a building in Nairobi, the 21st floor in the city centre, where the unit operates from, led by a certain Mr. Abel. Abel is a cousin to a very senior official in this government,' Gachagua revealed.

The former Deputy President threatened to expose more details about the secret unit if the abducted individuals are not released.

He added that Kenyan citizens are angry with Ruto’s administration, saying, 'Killing our children will not quell the anger of the Kenyan people.'

'Abducting young people is not a solution; you must address the cause of discontent. Why are people aggrieved with this administration?'

A few hours later, President Ruto, accompanied by opposition leader Raila Odinga—whose allies have joined Ruto’s Cabinet in a broad-based government formed after the Gen-Z protests—promised to end the abductions.

Odinga had criticized the state-linked abductions of critics, saying the country cannot tolerate a “gangster state.”

Widely recognized as Kenya’s second liberation hero, Odinga was a victim of the brutal regime of the late President Daniel Arap Moi during the fight for multiparty democracy in the 90s. He warned that allowing the abductions to continue could risk taking the country back to the dark days of “Nyayo Torture Chambers”.

Ruto acknowledged the concerns but also warned the youth to be “disciplined.”

'What has been said about abductions, we will stop them so Kenyan youth can live in peace, but they should have discipline and be polite so that we can build Kenya together,' Ruto said at a stadium in Homa Bay, in the west of the country.

In addition to the abductions of young Kenyans, the abduction of Uganda’s opposition chief Kizza Besigye in Nairobi by Ugandan security agents recently also drew widespread condemnation.

Besigye and his close associate Hajj Obeid Lutale were picked up in Nairobi while attending the launch of a book written by former justice minister Martha Karua and whisked back home, where they were locked up in a military facility before being produced in a martial court.

The duo faces charges of undermining national security and illegal possession of firearms.

Various rights groups and lawyers have criticized Kenya’s complicity in the abductions, saying it tarnishes Kenya’s image as a democratic safe haven. They accuse its authorities of failing to prevent or investigate the incident, thereby jeopardizing regional stability and the rule of law.

Since the Gen-Z-led protests in June, which forced the government to shelve plans to introduce additional taxes, dozens of young people have been reported missing, with human rights groups accusing the police of being behind their disappearances. T

Wycliffe Nyamasege

The Rwandan government confirmed its commitment to host the IVI regional office through Presidential Order No. 091/01, issued on December 26, 2024, and published in the Official Gazette on December 27, 2024.

The agreement to establish the office in Rwanda was initially signed in June by Rwanda’s Minister of Health, Dr. Sabin Nsanzimana, and the Director General of IVI, Dr. Jerome H. Kim, marking a significant step toward advancing vaccine research, development, and manufacturing across the African continent.

The two parties formally ratified the agreement on November 25, 2024, officially confirming Rwanda as the host country for the IVI Africa office.

The agreement includes 21 provisions, including tax exemptions on goods and services such as equipment, vehicles, machinery, and other materials exclusively used by IVI. However, items sold to individuals or businesses will not qualify for tax exemption.

Another key aspect of the agreement is its emphasis on building local capacity for pharmaceutical production, aiming to promote self-reliance in health matters across Africa. This initiative also seeks to improve public health outcomes and foster technological advancements in the sector.

As part of this strategic effort, the IVI Africa Regional Office will play a pivotal role in advancing vaccination initiatives, driving technological innovation, and supporting sustainable vaccine manufacturing in Rwanda and other African countries.

The move comes as a BioNTech vaccine manufacturing plant is also under construction in Rwanda, further cementing the country’s position as a key player in the global vaccine ecosystem.

IVI is a non-profit organization committed to ensuring that vaccines are available and accessible worldwide. It collaborates with governments, research institutions, and the vaccine industry to achieve this mission.

Since its founding in 1997, IVI has been instrumental in developing, testing, and distributing vaccines across the globe.

Rwanda’s selection as the host of IVI’s Africa Regional Office was confirmed in February 2024, following a rigorous evaluation process that reviewed proposals from five countries.

The decision was hailed by both IVI and the Rwandan government as a critical step toward addressing vaccine equity across the continent.

With its global headquarters in Seoul, South Korea, and regional offices in Sweden and Austria, IVI’s new African office represents a significant advancement in its mission to ensure safe and affordable vaccines reach the people who need them most.

The agreement to establish the office in Rwanda was signed Rwanda’s Minister of Health, Dr. Sabin Nsanzimana, and the Director General of IVI, Dr. Jerome H. Kim

Participants at the signing of the cooperation agreement between Rwanda and the International Vaccine Institute.

IGIHE

Jeju Air flight 7C2216, a Boeing 737-800 arriving from Bangkok, crashed during a belly landing after its landing gear malfunctioned, reportedly due to a bird strike.

The crash occurred just after 9 a.m. local time, when the aircraft skidded down the runway, collided with a wall, and erupted into a massive fireball. Video footage captured flames and thick smoke engulfing the plane, with only the tail section remaining somewhat intact.

'Only the tail part retains a little bit of shape, and the rest of the plane looks almost impossible to recognize,' said Muan fire chief Lee Jung-hyun during a press briefing.

The crash occurred just after 9 a.m. local time, when the aircraft skidded down the runway, collided with a wall, and erupted into a massive fireball.

Rescuers managed to save two crew members from the tail section, both suffering from medium to severe injuries. Despite this, authorities have shifted from rescue to recovery operations, as the force of the impact made survival unlikely for others.

'We are searching nearby areas for bodies possibly thrown from the plane,' added Lee.

Preliminary investigations suggest a bird strike may have caused the landing gear to malfunction. One passenger reportedly texted a relative before the crash, saying, 'A bird is stuck in the wing. Should I say my last words?'

The crash is the worst involving a South Korean airline since the 1997 Korean Air disaster in Guam, which killed 229 people.

Acting President Choi Sang-mok visited the scene, pledging full government support for recovery efforts.

Jeju Air expressed deep regret, with CEO Kim Yi-bae stating, 'We will do everything we can to deal with this accident,' while Boeing extended condolences, promising to assist in the investigation.

Authorities are working to identify victims, many of whom are believed to be South Korean nationals, along with two Thai passengers.

Preliminary investigations suggest a bird strike may have caused the landing gear to malfunction.

Wycliffe Nyamasege

The match began cautiously, with both teams focused on maintaining their defensive structures. South Sudan, known for their resilience, matched Rwanda’s intensity in the early exchanges.

Despite the slow start, Arsène Tuyisenge tested South Sudan’s goalkeeper Juma Jenaro with a direct shot in the 10th minute, earning Rwanda their first corner of the match.

Amavubi’s midfield trio—Jean Bosco Ruboneka, Gilbert Mugisha, and Jean Claude Niyomugabo—controlled the tempo, forcing several saves from Jenaro. Didier Mugisha came close to opening the scoring in the 20th minute, missing a rebound from the post with only the goalkeeper to beat.

As the first half progressed, Rwanda continued to dominate possession, but South Sudan’s defense held firm. In the 35th minute, Gilbert Mugisha’s free kick struck the woodwork, and Didier Mugisha was quick to capitalize on the rebound, tapping the ball past Jenaro to give Rwanda a 1-0 lead.

Rwanda had a golden opportunity to double their advantage in the dying moments of the first half. A South Sudanese defender handled the ball in the penalty area, and the referee awarded a penalty. However, captain Kevin Muhire’s effort was saved by Jenaro, leaving the score at 1-0 heading into halftime.

The second half began with Rwanda attacking with renewed vigor. Muhire redeemed himself in the 55th minute, weaving through South Sudan’s defense to slot home Amavubi’s second goal. The home crowd erupted in celebration as Rwanda seemed poised to secure a convincing win.

Rwanda’s CHAN 2024 qualification hangs imbalance despite South Sudan win.

Despite trailing 2-0, South Sudan refused to back down. Substitute David Sebit capitalized on a defensive lapse in the 81st minute, firing a powerful shot past Adolphe Hakizimana to make it 2-1. Amavubi pushed forward in search of a third goal, but missed chances from Ruboneka and others to keep the score line unchanged.

The Tunisian referee added three minutes of stoppage time, but neither side could alter the outcome. Rwanda’s victory marked a valiant effort but fell short of the desired aggregate result, leaving fans both hopeful and uncertain about their team’s CHAN 2024 prospects.

Aggregate deadlock and CECAFA rankings

The 2-1 win brought the aggregate score between Rwanda and South Sudan to 4-4, but South Sudan was eliminated on the away goals rule after conceding more goals at home in the first leg, which ended 3-2 in Juba.

In the CECAFA region rankings, Sudan emerged as the top team with six points after a dominant 4-1 aggregate victory over Ethiopia. Rwanda and South Sudan each finished with three points, while Burundi remained at zero points with their second match against Uganda still pending.

The CECAFA region is allotted four slots in the CHAN finals. Three of these are automatically taken by the host nations—Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania—leaving only one slot for the remaining countries to contest.

With Sudan securing the top spot, Amavubi’s fate now lies in the hands of CAF, which is yet to decide on replacements for Libya and Tunisia, who withdrew from the tournament.

Rwanda will have to await CAF’s decision to know whether they will play in next year’s CHAN competitions.

Hopes for CAF’s decision

Although Rwanda missed out on direct qualification, there is still a glimmer of hope. CAF must fill the void left by Libya and Tunisia’s withdrawal, and Rwanda could be considered as one of the replacement teams.
Caretaker coach Jimmy Mulisa, who stepped in for head coach Frank Spittler during his holiday absence, expressed mixed feelings after the match.

'The boys gave everything on the pitch today. We are proud of the win, but unfortunately, the aggregate result was not in our favor. Now we wait and hope for good news from CAF,' Mulisa said.

Amavubi’s victory over South Sudan showcased the team’s potential, with standout performances from players like Kevin Muhire and Didier Mugisha. However, the missed penalty and defensive lapses highlighted areas that need improvement if Rwanda is to compete at the highest level.

As the team awaits CAF’s decision, fans remain optimistic that Rwanda will join the CHAN 2024 tournament, set to be hosted in Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania.

Final Standings in CECAFA Region CHAN Qualifiers:

• Sudan: 6 points
• Rwanda: 3 points
• South Sudan: 3 points
• Burundi: 0 points (pending second match against Uganda)

With the CHAN 2024 finals fast approaching, Amavubi’s journey is far from over. Their spirited performance against South Sudan is a testament to their resilience, and should CAF grant them a spot, Rwanda will undoubtedly aim to make a strong impression on the regional stage.

Sam K Nkurunziza

These systems are seen as a sustainable solution to meet energy needs while protecting the environment.

The Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) plan outlines that $52 million (over Frw 71.7 billion) will be used to procure solar water heaters for urban residential buildings.

This initiative aims to support Rwanda’s commitment to combating climate change.

The funding will facilitate loans and grants to help individuals acquire these systems, aligning with the country’s green building initiatives.

Additionally, $8 million (over Frw 11 billion) is needed to reduce reliance on biomass energy sources, such as firewood, and decrease imports of energy-related products.

Thadée Twagirimana, acting director general in the Ministry of Environment and Climate Change Adaptation, explained that procuring solar water heaters is a vital part of Rwanda’s strategy to address climate change. The initiative aims to cut the country’s greenhouse gas emissions by 38% by 2030.

The energy sector is expected to reduce at least 1,530,000 tons of carbon emissions, with solar water heaters contributing 3% of this reduction.

Twagirimana emphasized that the majority of Rwandans, 79%, still rely on firewood and charcoal for energy, which contributes to deforestation and health issues. Solar water heaters offer a cleaner and more sustainable alternative.

Recently, solar water heaters were distributed to small and medium enterprises (SMEs) engaged in agriculture processing, bakeries, and hospitality.

These systems are projected to cut 1,500 tons of carbon emissions annually and save businesses Frw 3.7 million per month on firewood, charcoal, and other fuels.

Ernestine Tuyishimire, owner of Buganza Good Wine, reported that her business previously used about five cubic meters of firewood daily, costing Frw 100,000.

With the solar water heater, the business now only uses one cubic meter of firewood, resulting in substantial cost savings.

Reports indicate that $1.37 billion will be needed to reduce firewood use among households relying on charcoal, decreasing the dependency rate from 83% to 42% by 2030.

The Ministry of Environment estimates that $60 million (over Frw 82.8 billion) is required to purchase solar water heaters as part of efforts to reduce energy consumption and greenhouse gas emissions.

IGIHE

FDLR comprises mainly of remnants of the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.

Reports have emerged that Burundi’s military cooperates with both the FDLR and the FLN.

A senior officer in the Congolese army recently told the Great Lakes Eye that the armed forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Burundi are constructing a secret military base in Uvira, South Kivu province.

This facility, located in Kitoga, is allegedly intended to coordinate armed groups planning attacks on Rwanda.

The DRC is reportedly providing materials for the construction, while Burundi has been accused of holding meetings with armed groups, including the FDLR and CNRD-FLN, since August 2024. These meetings are said to focus on uniting forces to launch attacks on Rwanda.

The FDLR has a history of attacks on Rwanda’s northern regions, while the CNRD-FLN launched offensives in 2018 and 2019 from Nyungwe National Park.

Speaking to the press on Friday, President Ndayishimiye rejected the accusations as baseless.

“It is like insulting us just to gain international sympathy. When we went to assist Congo, you know that it was a collective agreement among all the heads of state in East Africa, without exception, including Rwanda,” he said.

“We agreed to assist the Democratic Republic of Congo in restoring peace and security […] we agreed to fight all foreign armed groups committing crimes in Congo, without exception, while urging those based in Congo to participate in the Nairobi talks,” added Ndayishimiye.

He stated that he had discussed with Rwanda and informed them of the need to assist since it was responsible for intelligence operations and could provide information on the whereabouts of the FDLR.

“Tell us where the FDLR members are and see if we won’t attack them. If we don’t attack them, then you’ll know we are working together,” Ndayishimiye stated.

Ndayishimiye echoed Tshisekedi’s accusations, alleging that Rwanda collaborates with the M23 group. He claimed that after seeing Burundi’s cooperation with the DRC, Rwanda began to show dissatisfaction.

Despite Ndayishimiye’s claims, reports indicate that Burundian troops have held meetings following one attended by the Governor of North Kivu, Maj Gen Peter Cirimwami, and Brig Gen Hakizimana Antoine, also known as Jeva, who leads CNRD-FLN. They discussed joint efforts initiated in March 2024.

It is reported that the secret military base being built by the DRC and Burundi, once completed, will host armed groups opposed to the Rwandan government, where they will plan attacks. Once prepared, they are expected to use the Kibira forest in Burundi as a route to infiltrate Rwanda.

Since 2023, the armed forces of the DRC, Burundi, the FDLR, and other groups under the Wazalendo coalition have been cooperating in operations against the M23.

The governments of both countries accuse Rwanda of supporting M23 and the RED Tabara group, which opposes President Évariste Ndayishimiye’s regime.

They have long been attempting to unite the FDLR and CNRD-FLN to jointly launch attacks on Rwanda.

Burundian President has denied collaboration with FDLR despite clear evidence

Alcade Ndemeye